The Chipko Movement

Introduction

Mahatma Gandhi's concept of Gram Swarajya (village self-rule) aimed to create egalitarian, self-sustaining communities within an egalitarian and nonviolent society. To work toward that goal, a group of people established the Dasholi Gram Swarajya Mandal (Dasholi Village Self-Rule Organization, or DGSM) at Gopeshwar, India, in 1964. DGSM offered training in village industries, agriculture, horticulture, animal husbandry, harvesting forest produce, utilizing mineral resources, employment in various construction activities, raising consciousness around forest protection and conservation of natural resources, etc. Gradually, DGSM become a symbol of village self-reliance.

In 1970, everything changed when a massive flood hit the Alaknanda basin in Uttar Pradesh, devastating lives and destroying property. Wooden beds floated in the Alaknanda River; grim-faced women and men with withered cheeks, looking old beyond their years, became a common sight.

The government labeled the flood--unprecedented in the history of the region--a natural calamity. However, the relief workers of DGSM refused to accept that characterization, because for the previous twenty years they had seen the plight of forests in the watersheds where the flood originated. During the relief operations, DGSM volunteers concluded that the flood was more a human-made calamity than a natural one.

Then, in 1973, while the memory of the 1970 flood was still fresh in our minds, Simon Sports, a sporting goods company in Allahabad, was given permission to harvest ash trees for sporting goods from the Mandal Forest near Gopeshwar. The people of the region used this tree for making yokes, traditional agricultural implements; the action struck at the core of our way of life and our livelihoods. We asked ourselves if we would allow another incident like the 1970 flood to occur or whether we would instead protect our forest from future tragedy. There was only one option: To save the people and the terrain, we had to prevent further genocide of our forest. Claiming the trees as our birthright, we decided to protect them from commercial exploitation and at the same time advocate respect for traditional rights within the forest.

DGSM called a meeting attended by members of different political parties. Various proposals were put forward and discussed. In the end, the meeting accepted a proposal from DGSM based on its principle of nonviolence: We decided to cling to the trees (chipko) that were marked for felling and prevent the lumberers from axing the trees without cutting us first. Thus, rooted in the philosophy of nonviolent resistance, the first direct action began in Mandal Forest near Gopeshwar in 1973 when the local people marched with their traditional musical instruments to the felling site to seek protection for the trees.

The Spread of the Movement

Mandal Forest was the starting point of people's nonviolent resistance to commercial exploitation of the forests in the region. The action was unprecedented in the history of the region and caught the Simon Sports contractor by surprise. Seeing the massive participation of the people, the contractor retreated. When a subsequent contract was awarded to a lumberer in the Mandakini valley, the contractor again faced the people's resistance.

After the Mandal Chipko action, DGSM volunteers fanned out into all potential lumbering areas to educate and warn the people about the possible threat--and to share the success story of the Mandal Chipko movement. The turning point came in 1974, when lumbering rights in the Rani forest were auctioned off. Chipko workers, local people and students got involved in the movement in large numbers, demonstrating against the arrival of lumberers in the sensitive catchment area of the Rishi Ganga River near Reni village.

The protest resulted in a dramatic victory. One day, the men of the area had gone away to the city of Chamoli to collect money owed to them as compensation for their lands. The Chipko representatives were also not there, because they had been called to Gopeshwar for consultation by the forest department. Only the women remained in the village: twenty-seven small bodies against many professional axe-men.

Not worried about the odds against them, the women rushed to the felling site and clung to the marked trees while angry lumberers threatened them with their glistening axes. They remained in the forest for the entire day despite the overwhelming odds. The next day, their numbers increased as the women and men of about a dozen villages arrived at the site to join them.

The nonviolent protest continued for a month while people spread the word by beating drums and singing Chipko songs. The women of the region, who were usually confined to household work, began to take the lead because they were the worst hit by the decline of the forests--collecting fuel and fodder for their domestic needs had become more difficult, adding to their suffering. The women's leadership and action proved a decisive blow to the contractors, who came to realize that their objectives could not be achieved. The Reni vigil continued for three years until 1977, when the Reni Chipko Committee appointed by the Uttar Pradesh Government in 1974 recommended a complete ban on logging in the area.

The movement spread into Bhyundar Valley, the lower part of the celebrated Valley of Flowers. Despite heavy snowfall there, the local women saved the trees. Then, in 1980, another village in the Chamoli district, Dungri-Pantuli, took up the Chipko task. The government, in association with the men of the village, planned to fell trees near the village to plant a tree nursery for an orchard. This development would have deprived the women of easily available fuel and fodder.

The women disobeyed the men and flouted the government order. They put up brave and determined resistance to the felling and questioned the government officials about their failure to consult the village's women before felling. Because of the women's responsibility to fetch the fuel and fodder from the forests, any decision pertaining to the forests should have had the women's consent. This was a major victory for the Chipko movement and built the organizing capacity of the hill women.

Methods and Structure

The movement's methodology evolved through series of discussions with people hailing from various walks of life and political backgrounds. There were divergent views on how to prevent the forest felling. Opinions varied from obstructing the trucks heading toward the forest compartment to a pre-emptive cutting of the marked trees. Finally, the DGSM ideology was accepted, meaning that we would not use any means that had a component of violence.

The suggestion that we would cling to the trees and insist that the lumberers cut us before cutting the trees appeared quite exotic at the time. Many people thought that, as a form of passive resistance, it might not work at all. However, those who questioned nonviolent protest did not anticipate the traditional mindset of the hill people. Hill people are a peace-loving community with great determination, the result of their daily struggle for survival in the rugged terrain.

During the course of the movement, official or other lobbying channels were kept to a minimum. As the movement gained momentum, it won sympathy from various people in the region and beyond. Institutes like the Gandhi Peace Foundation and the national newspapers gave significant coverage in the national and international press. The newspaper and magazine reporting focused on the demands of the Chipko movement, its approach, and the role of the local people, creating enormous support for the movement and strengthening the morale of the activists.

The movement did not agree on a formal structure. It remained an informal assembly of local people and DGSM volunteers. The idea was to create local leadership so that the movement could be self-sustaining. DGSM continued to spread the movement and was present at the actions, but it kept in mind that local leadership should take the front seat.

After the 1974 Chipko actions, there was overwhelming participation by women in the movement. Because protest activity was new for the women, DGSM remained present at the direct actions, while always giving them as much opportunity as possible to express themselves and guide the action. The movement did not receive any outside funding. DGSM had a small savings that it used as necessary, especially for travel expenses. The local people supported everything else, so it did not need significant financial support.

Goals and Outcomes

Chipko's goal was to prevent commercial felling of forest crops while safeguarding the traditional rights to the forests in the river basin. After the 1970 Alaknanda flood, DGSM realized that it was important to save the forests because they serve as a green defense belt to protect the terrain and the people from future calamity. DGSM also recognized that the task was monumental and a small organization like DGSM could not do it alone. So it concluded that local people--especially the women, who are the worst affected--should collaborate in the action. That goal was achieved through persistent meetings, deliberations, and demonstrations.

Our objectives largely have been achieved. The government of Uttar Pradesh has put a total ban on commercial forest felling. This gives us a sense of accomplishment; however, the accomplishment is partial because the Himalaya needs continuous nurturing. The terrain has been mercilessly denuded for one hundred years. The wounds are severe. Therefore, the popular awakening has been mobilized toward rejuvenating the denuded slopes, so we have been conducting eco-development and environmental conservation camps in the Upper Alaknanda basin for the past 30 years.

This is a second phase of the Chipko movement, from protection to conservation and rejuvenation of the degraded forest. Initially, it seemed quite exotic to talk about regreening the barren community land. The initial phase was slow to get started, but the time and persistence of the DGSM volunteers paid off. Villages were selected based on their perceived need and on the assessed threat caused by the depleted forest resources. Gradually the eco-development camps become the platforms to develop relationships, exchange views and ideas, and evolve strategies for addressing various developmental issues.

Today these camps are a symbol of holistic development. In many watersheds the denuded forest cover has been reclaimed, biomass production has gone up, and lost prosperity has been gradually reestablished. Because of these successful developments, the movement of eco-development camps has increased and spread over many parts of the region with overwhelming participation of the local people, particularly the women.

Because of the terrain and mounting population pressure, this work might become an endless task. We felt that these camps should continue spontaneously with or without DGSM's presence. Currently, DGSM is pooling its energy and resources toward this goal while it keeps close watch on the forests of the region.

Empowerment

The movement, which began with saving the forest from commercial exploitation, became a symbol of the fight against social injustice, improper developmental planning, and faulty environmental policies. Rural hill folk who had been mere spectators of government policies became a force to reckon with. They could question the developmental planning if it was inappropriate to the environmental condition of the terrain. In every village, youth and women are organized and these organizations shape the destiny of their villages. There are innumerable village level women organizations called Mahila Mangal Dals (Organizations for Women's Development).

The collective force of the hill women is an outcome of the Chipko movement that has allowed and encouraged them to realize their hidden strength and immense potential. Because the majority of the men are away in the cities to support the family back in the hills, the major responsibility for running the village lies with the women. Since they suffered the genocide of the forest in the past, they realized the significance of the Chipko movement spearheaded by DGSM. In turn, DGSM realized that without organizing this large population of women, little could be achieved.

The ongoing eco-development activity of DGSM could motivate the women to address the natural resource and village rejuvenation program. Contrary to the government program that sought people's participation after programs were finalized, DGSM believed in the people acting as the initiator and implementer--especially the rural women of the region. In the process, DGSM and other agencies act as support organizations. Women of the region have now been empowered, so that in many places they are managing the village and forests, including various village development programs.

After 30 years of hard work, the results are evident for all to see. In economic terms, fodder and fuel yields increased, saving time for other work. High milk yield cows can be raised, supplying nutrition and earning cash. The camps also helped in promoting participation in other development issues such as school, roads, and basic health. Today, participants in the eco-development camps initiate similar program in their own distant villages and DGSM learns of their work only by receiving an invitation to participate.

Nevertheless, in such a people's program there are always some problems, especially through vested interest groups within the villages and outside of them. Such hurdles, though at times difficult, are tackled by open debate on the merit of any new program. For instance, when decisions are made about a direct action, DGSM follows the people's ideas as how to go about it. This collective approach becomes feasible due to the informal structure of the Chipko movement. There is no hierarchical setup. Though the initiators are the collective workforces of DGSM, the decisions are finalized in open assembly during the village-level meetings and in the Eco-development camps.

Movement Demands and Achievements

Many of the Chipko movement's six major demands have been achieved. They are:

All tree felling in the sensitive watersheds must be banned and there should be large-scale planting. The trees must not be cut for construction unless it is demonstrated that cutting will not affect the eco-system adversely. Forest conservation must aim at protecting the forestland and the water resources.

Forestry work should be done by rural organizations and labor cooperatives. The local hill people must be involved and consulted in any work related to the forests. They should be provided with relevant training and guidelines.

The daily needs of the forest dwellers in the region should be evaluated and they should be given reasonable rights over the forest resources. Forests must be thoroughly surveyed and local rights evaluated.

Rural industrial ventures should involve the local workforce. Assistance must be provided to enable them to obtain raw material, finance, and technical expertise.

Denuded hills must be regreened through forestation. Local people must be involved and encouraged to take up agro-forestry. The local people should be encouraged to feel love and affection towards the trees and plants.

A detailed geological, ecological and botanical survey of the hills should be carried out before any heavy construction or forest department working plan.

These demands are not hollow; they have achieved the following results:

Commercial forest felling is completely banned in the Alaknanda basin where the Chipko movement started and in the entire Central Himalaya region.

A recent satellite study shows that the forest cover lost due to commercial felling between 1959-1969 has been nearly recovered in the sensitive catchment of the Upper Alaknanda River.

In February 1980, the Uttar Pradesh forest department revised its working plans to harmonize them with the notion of the "sensitivity" of these areas. While we disagree on the definition of sensitivity, at least they have recognized this crucial fact concerning the Himalaya.

In 1975, the Alaknanda Soil Conservation Division of the Uttar Pradesh forest department undertook the task of rejuvenating the barren Himalayan slopes. The next five years witnessed the functioning the Civil Soyam Forest Division in the entire Central Himalaya. To intensify these efforts in Chamoli, the Upper Ganga catchment has been established to plan for the security and safety of the small rivers and rivulets against soil erosion and landslides.

A movement that started from the sheer need for survival became the mouthpiece of the local people, who could now think, plan, and execute programs to meet their needs and pool their collective energy to save the terrain from further calamity.

Translated from original Hindi