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By Milan

The International Nonviolent March for Demilitarisation (International March) was an annual event in Europe from 1976 until 1987 that helped spread the idea of organising through affinity groups, with nonviolence training and consensus decision-making.

I attended four of the marches and was involved in organising three of them: 1983 in Brussels against the IDEE (electronic defence exhibition), 1984 Grebenhain, (Fulda-Gap, blocking military maneouvres) and 1985 in Denmark (against Nuclear Arms).

My first blockade was in 1979 at Ramstein when already we were organising in affinity groups, making decisions by consensus and with a speakers' council (that is one 'speaker' from each group). Nearly all the International Marches (or camps) and bigger actions were organised in that way. So it looks to me as if this idea of non-hierarchical ways of organising nvda was being spread at least in part thanks to the International March - but it might be simply that those were the kind of events I chose to attend.

In 1982 I attended my first "Training for Trainers" where we learnt more about the affinity group system and consensus decision making. During the 1980s, there was a big demand for nonviolent trainings and one of the regular topics was "non-hierarchical ways of organising nvda".

I found the intercultural profile of the International March very empowering, and suppose that many participants were enthused to go home to spread the ideas and forms of organising. Also, we could use the attraction of an international event to draw in more and different people into the action than would have happened with a purely locally organised event.

On these marches we also made connections with related themes. For instance, I learnt about gestalt therapy as a way of confronting personal patterns that restrict our creativity. This is happening with the G8 actions / camps today. One reporter commented "perhaps the biggest political impact of these days will happen when these young men and women go home, back to their 'normal' life - changed by this experience, empowered and nurtured by the actions they did, and by the support they have given and received".

A good experience is like a seed which rests for a while in fertile ground and then grows, becoming perhaps a pretty fly or a nourishing vegetable. For me - and I think for many others - the International March planted such seeds.

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When 18 people walked onto the construction site of the Seabrook Nuclear Power Plant in New Hampshire on 1 August 1976, it was the first collective nonviolent direct action against nuclear power in the USA. Many opponents of nuclear power considered such tactics too radical. Later that month, when 180 people committed civil disobedience at the site, the organisers, the Clamshell Alliance, used nonviolence training and the affinity group structure for the first time. In the future, these elements became well-known and practised throughout the nonviolent social change movement. On 30 April 1977 over 2400 people, organised in hundreds of affinity groups, occupied the site. During the next two days 1415 were arrested, many jailed for two weeks. This action inspired the anti-nuclear power movement and created a new international model for organising actions that consisted of training for nonviolent direct action and consensus decision-making in a non-hierarchical affinity group structure.

 

Inspiration for the Seabrook action actually came from Europe. In the early 1970s, people in Germany and France became concerned about plans to build a nuclear power plant in , Germany. Nearby, across the border in Marckolsheim, France, a German company announced plans to build a lead factory alongside the Rhine. The people living in Whyl and Marckolsheim agreed to cooperate in a cross-border campaign, in August 1974 founding a joint organisation, the International Committee of 21 Environmental Groups from Baden (Germany) and Alsace (France). Together they decided that wherever the construction started first, together they would nonviolently occupy that site to stop the plants.

After workers began constructing a fence for the Marckolsheim lead plant, on 20 September 1974 local women climbed into the fencepost holes and stopped the construction. Environmental activists erected a tent, at first outside the fence line, but soon moved inside and occupied the site. Support for the campaign came from many places. The German anarcho-pacifist magazine Graswurzelrevolution had helped to spread the idea of grassroots nonviolent actions. A local group from Freiburg, Germany, near the plants, introduced active nonviolence to those organising in Whyl and Marckolsheim. In 1974, a 3-day workshop in Marckolsheim included nonviolence training; 300 people practised role-plays and planned what to do if the police came.

People from both sides of the Rhine—farmers, housewives, fisherfolk, teachers, environmentalists, students and others—built a round, wooden 'Friendship House' on the site. The occupation in Marckolsheim continued through the winter, until 25 February 1975 when the French government withdrew the construction permit for the lead works..

Meanwhile, construction of the nuclear reactor in Whyl, Germany, had begun. The first occupation of that site began on 18 February 1975 but was stopped by the police a few days later. After a transnational rally of 30,000 people on 23 February, the second occupation of the Whyl construction site began. Encouraged by the success in Marckolsheim, the environmental activists, including whole families from the region, continued this occupation for eight months. More than 20 years of legal battles finally ended the plans for the construction of the Whyl nuclear power plant.

In the summer of 1975, two U.S. activists, Randy Kehler and Betsy Corner, visited Whyl after attending the War Resisters' International Triennial in the Netherlands. They brought the film 'Lovejoy's Nuclear War', the story of the first individual act of nonviolent civil disobedience against a nuclear power plant in the United States. They brought back to the United States and to those organising to stop the Seabrook nuclear power plant the inspiring story of the German community's occupations. More information exchange followed. During the 1976 occupation of Seabrook, WRI folks in Germany communicated daily by phone with the Clamshell Alliance. German nonviolent activists had been using consensus, but the affinity group structure was new to them, and they saw it as a excellent method for organising actions.

In 1977, German activists and trainers Eric Bachman and Günter Saathoff made a speaking trip to the United States, visiting anti-nuclear groups in the northeastern United States as well as groups in California where there were protests against a nuclear power plant at Diablo Canyon. Activists from both sides of the Atlantic continued this process of cross-fertilisatio

The Marckolsheim and Whyl plants were never built. Even though one of the two proposed nuclear reactors was built in Seabrook, no new nuclear power plants have started in the United States since then. Both Whyl in Germany and Seabrook in the United States were important milestones for the anti-nuclear movement and encouraged many other such campaigns.

The Clamshell Alliance at Seabrook, which was itself inspired by actions in Europe, in turn became a source of inspiration to others in the USA and in Europe. In the United States, the Seabrook action inspired the successful campaign to stop the Shoreham, Long Island, New York, nuclear power plant, then 80 percent completed. That began when an affinity group of War Resisters League members returned from the Seabrook occupation and began to organise in their community. British activists who took part in the 1977 occupation of Seabrook, together with activists who read about it in Peace News, decided to promote this form of organisation in Britain, leading to the Torness Alliance opposing the last 'green field' nuclear site in Britain. In Germany, a number of nuclear power plants and nuclear fuel reprocessing plants were prevented or closed due to growing protests. In the early 1980s, large nonviolent actions were organised in both Britain and Germany in opposition to the installation of U.S. cruise missiles, using the affinity group model. And the story has continued, with affinity groups being used in many nonviolent actions around the world (including in the 1999 sit-ins in Seattle to stop the World Trade Organisation meetings).

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This section is a collection of stories and strategies on the use of nonviolence around the world. Stories help us learn from past experiences, and many of these describe how people learned strategies from campaigns in other parts of the world and strengthened their campaigns through international cooperation.

The motivation to act can be influenced by what has been done in another place, inspired by their creativity and success. We have collected a number of experiences where contact with activists from other regions has been inspirational. In some occasions the visit of a member of another group can do the trick, in others reading materials produced elsewhere or attending an international event that gave them ideas for their campaigns.

While the contexts of these stories differ, they all have nonviolence as a common denominator. Some cases focus on education and promotion of nonviolence within the activist scene in their country as in Turkey and South Korea. Solidarity work, such as with South Africa during the anti-apartheid movement can be a model for other situations. Learning across borders took place between Seabrook, Whyl and Markolsheim; Israel and South Africa. International participation is key to the International Antimilitarist Marches, Bombspotting campaign and 15th of May activities. The work of building alternatives to violence and against human rights violations in conflict areas are key contributions from the nonviolence movements of Chile and Colombia.

While planning your campaigns it is always good to research if someone else has done it before, and learn from their successes and errors. And remember to document your own campaigns, sharing your stories. We hope that the following stories can help as an inspiration for your nonviolent strategies. War Resisters' International, which played a role in connecting people in most of these cases, supports the exchange and support among nonviolent and antimilitarist movements, believing it is crucial to create an international movement against war and for peace and justice.

International solidarity campaign with South Africa Seabrook - Wyhl - Marckolsheim - transnational links in a chain of campaigns International Antimilitarist marches Chile: Gandhi's Insights Gave People Courage to Defy Chile's Dictatorship Israel - New Profile learns from the experience of others Turkey- Building a nonviolent culture South Korea - Challenges and successes of working in nonviolence Peace Community of San José de Apartadó,Colombia : A lesson of resistance, dignity and courage Bombspotting - towards an European Campaign 15th of May - International Day of Conscientious Objection

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By Andreas Speck

Introduction

Within nonviolent movements, and especially during nonviolent (direct) actions, the question of decision making requires special attention. As nonviolence is more than the absence of violence, and closely linked to issues of power, the methods of decision making used within nonviolent movement need to avoid creating new relationships of power-over, and need to be participatory and empowering.

This article focuses especially on decision making during and before a nonviolent action.

Consensus decision making and affinity groups

Organising for nonviolent action is (often) based on affinity groups, autonomous groups of 5-15 persons where people trust each other and can rely on each other (see the article on affinity groups.

Consensus decision making differs greatly from majority decision making. While majority decision making often leads to a power struggle between two different solutions, consensus decision making aims to take everyone's concerns on board, often modifying a proposed solution several times in the process. It is very much based on listening and respect, and participation by everyone.

Seeds for Change, a UK based trainers' collective, defines consensus as follows: Consensus is a decision-making process that works creatively to include all persons making the decision. Instead of simply voting for an item, and having the majority of the group getting their way, the group is committed to finding solutions that everyone can live with. This ensures that everyone's opinions, ideas and reservations are taken into account. But consensus is more than just a compromise. It is a process that can result in surprising and creative solutions - often better than the original suggestions. (Seeds for Change, Consensus Decision Making)

All these aspects are very important in nonviolent action, especially when people put themselves with their bodies "on the line".

Consensus levels

Consensus does not necessary mean that all agree 100% - while this might be the optimum, it is in practice often not the case. It is therefore important that everyone in the group is aware of different levels of support or non-support that can be given to a certain proposal:

Non-support: "I don't see the need for this, but I'll go along with it."

Standing aside: "I personally can't do this, but I won't stop others from doing it." The person standing aside is not responsible for the consequences. This should be recorded in the minutes.

Veto/major objection: A single veto/major objection blocks the proposal from passing. If you have a major objection it means that you cannot live with the proposal if it passes. It is so objectionable to you/those you are representing that you will stop the proposal. A major objection isn't an "I don't really like it " or "I liked the other idea better." It is an "I cannot live with this proposal if it passes, and here is why?.!". The group can either accept the veto or discuss the issue further and draw up new proposals. The veto is a powerful tool and should be used with caution.

Agree to disagree: the group decides that no agreement can be reached on this issue.

Reaching consenses - process

There are lots of consensus models (see flowchart on the right). The following basic procedure is taken from Peace News (June 1988), a magazine for peace activists:

:#The problem, or decision needing to be made, is defined and named. It helps to do this in a way that separates the problems/questions from personalities.

:#Brainstorm possible solutions. Write them all down, even the crazy ones. Keep the energy up for quick, top-of-the head suggestions.

:#Create space for questions or clarification on the situation.

:#Discuss the options written down. Modify some, eliminate others, and develop a short list. Which are the favourites?

:#State the proposal or choice of proposals so that everybody is clear.

:#Discuss the pros and cons of each proposal - make sure everybody has a chance to contribute.

:#If there is a major objection, return to step 6 (this is the time-consuming bit). Sometimes you may need to return to step 4.

:#If there are no major objections, state the decisions and test for agreement.

:#Acknowledge minor objections and incorporate friendly amendments.

:#Discuss.

:#Check for consensus.

Consensus in large groups - spokescouncil

The model of consensus decision making described above works well within one group. However, bigger nonviolent actions require the cooperation of several affinity groups.

The Spokescouncil is one of the most common tools for making consensus decisions in large groups. In a spokescouncil, smaller groups come together to make shared decisions. Each group is represented by their 'spoke' – they communicate to the meeting through him or her, allowing hundreds of people to be represented by fewer voices. What the spoke is empowered to do is up to their affinity group. Spokes may need to consult with their group before discussing or agreeing on certain subjects.

Here is an outline process for a spokescouncil (Note: step 1 and 2 can also take place in advance within the individual small groups).

:#Whole group – Introduce the issue and give all the necessary information

:#Explain both the consensus and the spokescouncil process

:#Form into small groups – these could be a random selection of people at the meeting, existing affinity groups, or groups based on where people live or based on a shared language.

:#The small groups discuss the issue, gather ideas and discuss pros and cons - coming up with one or more proposals.

:#Each small groups selects a spoke – a person from their group that will represent the group's view at the spokescouncil. Small groups decide whether the spoke is a messenger for the group – e.g. relays information between the small group and the spokes council ­ or whether the spoke can make decisions on the group's behalf at the spokescouncil.

:#Spokes from all groups come together in the spokes council. They in turn present the view of their group. The spokes then have a discussion to try and incorporate the various proposals into one workable idea. During this process the spokes may need to call time out to refer with their groups for clarification or to see whether a modified proposal would be acceptable to them. It is important for the spoke to speak on the behalf of the group and not to present their own personal point of view.

:#Once the spokescouncil has come up with one or more possible proposals the spokes meet with their groups and check for agreement and objections. Groups can also suggest further modifications of the proposals.

:#Spokes meet back at the spokes council and check whether the groups agree. If not all groups agree, the discussion continues.

Experiences and problems

The model described above has been used in a wide range of large scale nonviolent actions: from Seattle 1999 over various anti-nuclear energy actions in Germany since 1997 (Castor - with up to 9000 participants) to other anti-globalisation and anti-war protests. Many of these experiences point to a changed political environment since the model was first used in the 1970s. This has consequences for the way groups have to organise for large-scale actions.

Very few affinity groups today work long-term. For example, the German anti-nuclear campaign "X-thousands in the way" works less with existing groups. Though they still exist and form the core of the action, most activists join as individuals or in small groups, and only form affinity groups on arrival. Therefore one or two days of preparation are needed before an action, to turn a chaotic mass into a community ready and able to act. And even this community is little more than an expanded core of participants. Most activists join spontaneously and without preparation, and the action has to be planned in a way that makes this possible (Jochen Stay, Preconditions and social-political factors for mass civil disobedience, The Broken Rifle No 69, March 2006).

Another options is to base larger actions on the autonomy of individual affinity groups, which plan and carry out a variety of small scale actions simultaneously on their own. The "large-scale" is then achieved through the number of parallel actions.

The first option is more appropriate when one of the aims is to integrate a large number of new activists. The action is generally more low-risk, and publicly announced. The latter option is more suited to high-risk actions or when a higher level of police repression can be expected.

Conclusions

There are many different formats and ways of building consensus, and there is a wide range of experience, which shows that it can work. There are however a few conditions that have to be met for consensus building to be possible:

Common Goal: All members of the group/meeting need to be united in a common goal, whether it is an action, living communally or greening the neighbourhood. It helps to clearly establish what this overall goal of the group is and to write it down as well. In situations where consensus seems difficult to achieve, it helps to come back to this common goal and to remember what the group is all about. Commitment to consensus building: All members of the group must be committed to reaching consensus on all decisions taken. It can be very damaging if individuals secretly want to return to majority voting, just waiting for the chance to say "I told you it wouldn't work". Consensus requires commitment, patience and willingness to put the group first. Sufficient time: for making decisions as well as to learn to work in this way. Clear process: Make sure that the group is clear about the process they will use for tackling any given issue. Agree beforehand on processes and guidelines. In most cases this will include having one or more facilitators to help the group move through the process.

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By Starhawk

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(taken from http://www.starhawk.org/activism/trainer-resources/affinitygroups.html)

Organize in clusters! Form a group with your friends! Be loud! Look exiting! Have fun!

What is an affinity group?

An affinity group is a group of people who have an affinity for each other, know each others strengths and weaknesses, support each other, and do (or intend to do ) political/campaign work together. Most of us will have had some childhood/formative experience of being part of a group whether informally, as in a group of kids that are the same age and live in the same street, suburb or town, or formally, as in being involved in a sports team. However, affinity groups differ from these for numerous reasons, as explained below, (hierarchy, trust, responsibility to each other etc).

The concept of 'affinity groups has a long history. They developed as an organising structure during the Spanish Civil war and have been used with amazing success over the last thirty years of feminist, anti-nuclear, environmental and social justice movements around the world. They were first used as a structure for a large scale nonviolent blockade during the 30,000 strong occupation of the Ruhr nuclear power station in Germany in 1969, and then in the United States occupations / blockades of the Seabrook nuclear power station in '71 when 10,000 were arrested and again many times in the highly successful US anti-nuclear movement during the '70's and '80's. Their use in sustaining activists through high levels of police repression has been borne out time and again. More recently, they have been used constructively in the mass protest actions in Seattle and Washington.

We don't have to use the word 'affinity group' - blockade teams, action groups, cells, action collectives etc. have all been used to describe the same concept. It would be best to find the most relevant name depending on when and where the structure is used. Also, each affinity group can choose their own name. For example, at the AIDEX protest, there was a 'Perseverance Affinity Group' named after the Fitzroy pub where it's members had their first meeting. Other names range across a whole gamut of political sensibilities ( or the lack thereof ); from the "Screaming Trees", the "Alcoholics against the Bomb", to the "Buckrabendinni Action Tribe"

With whom do I form an an affinity group?

The simple answer to this is the people that you know, and that feel the same way about the issue(s) in question. They could be people you see in a tutorial, work with, go out with, or live with. The point to stress however, is that you have something in common other than the issue that is bringing you all together, and that you trust them and they trust you.

An important aspect to being part of an affinity group is to get to know where each other is at regarding the campaign or issue. This can involve having a meal together, and you all discussing it after you have eaten, or doing some form of activist related training together, like attending a nonviolence, conflict resolution or facilitation workshop, developing de-arresting strategies if needed, working out how to deal with certain police tactics ie. snatch squads, police horses.

You should all have a shared idea of what you want individually & collectively from the action/campaign, how it will conceivably go, what support you will need from others, and what you can offer others. It helps if you have agreement on certain basic things: how active, how spiritual, how nonviolent, how touchy-feely, how spiky, how willing to risk arrest, when you'll bail-out, your overall political perspective etc. But then again, you may all just work together at a job, play music or hike together etc.

Organization

Within an affinity group, there are a whole range of different roles that it's members can perform. A lot of these roles will be determined by the aim or raison detre of the AG, but could include a Media Spokesperson, to either talk to / deal with news media , a Quick decision facilitator, 1st Aid to take care of people that are hurt, a Spokesperson to convey the affinity group's ideas and decisions to other AG's, a Legal Observer, and Arrest support.

As well as these roles within itself the AG can take on a specialised role in the way it interacts with other AGs, or operates within the breadth of the protest or campaign. There can be affinity groups specialising in copwatching, countering "protest highjackers", legal observation, catering, communication & cluster liaison, medical., clowning, or good old common garden variety blockading. With this role focus, each AG can do it's job and support the work of other affinity groups. In this way, many affinity groups form an interdependent network that achieves so much more than a large group of individual activists.

Within the context of a demonstration, as important as the aspect of the AG that is out on the street, is the support crew. They do all the mundane stuff, and regrettably don't get the recognition that they deserve. They can walk/feed pets, water plants, childcare, call employers and freaked out parents/children, pay rent etc. As a consequence, more people can participate (and risk more) because they have help with these things. The emotional support is not to be underestimated; apart from the offers of hugs, kisses, and phone calls, people feel safe enough to risk themselves when they know that they have emotional support. Support crew can also indirectly support direct action by supplying information to news media and interested community groups, raising funds and providing logistical support, like food, water and accommodation. The street aspect of an AG, and its support crew can ( and should ) swap round, so that there is a clear understanding within it as to the importance of all roles in the group's effectiveness.

The aim at the end of the day is to look after yourself and each other, have fun, and work towards a maximised degree of constructive social change.

Rough notes for affinity group facilitators

Intro - 15 mins ?

What is an affinity group ? Potentialities of affinity groups _ a couple of examples. (possibly imaginative, successful, inspiring ) Importance for this:

o TRUST

o SOLIDARITY

o SELF-SUFFICIENCY

o SAFETY _ comfort zone when shit hits the fan

o mutual aid

o OPEN AND CLOSED

Count off, 1-4 around the big circle breakdown into 4 groups name go around if need be questions GAME _ Scarecrow Tiggy 4 _ way ( inside or outside )

Throw people together as affinity groups. Assign one group as cops. Target of game is to keep your affinity group from being tagged / arrested. Arrested person can be released by person going through legs. Try a few times to see how different ideas can be used to keep groups together, make discussions, identify each other, watch out for themselves, others and other groups. Code words.

Reform groups, de-brief re-iterate the following in terms of this action and others:

o TRUST

o SOLIDARITY

o SELF-SUFFICIENCY

o SAFETY _ comfort zone when shit hits the fan

o mutual aid

o OPEN AND CLOSED

talk about experiences of action with no solid affinity, encourage experience of others. brainstorm on cluster co-ordination, etc. Examples of positive use, what we will need for the day, other campaigns, transposable skills

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(About Nonviolent Action and Group Process, with the example of the European ploughshares movement)

Stellan Vinthagen

Who was active in the ploughshares movement in Europe for 15 years.

stellan.vinthagen@resistancestudies.org

Second draft, version 2007-12-10

An important challenge for any movement which wants to do effective nonviolent actions is how to actually prepare these actions. Mohandas K. Gandhi and Martin Luther King emphasized “self-purification”, i.e. individual preparation through meditation, fasting or prayer. They believed in “nonviolence of the strong”. Since the 1970s, with the criticism of such spiritual and individualistic nonviolence together with the creative development of new organisational forms, especially within the US feminist movement, NVDA preparation has become more group-oriented. Even in big movements most work is done in (smaller) groups.

Depending on what nonviolent action you are planning different demands arise for the action group. There is always a necessary practical preparation to be done (how to get to the place, have enough of material, communicate, etc.). Such logistic organising might seem overwhelming.

But there is another type of preparation that might be a lot more important and difficult: group preparation. Activists don’t just need to know what they practically need to do. The task is to get enough of newcomers prepared both as individuals and as a group to act together, to know what to do and why. They need to understand enough of the movement work to be able to deal with unexpected situations, represent the movement, recruit others and develop the movement repertoire. That is about “group process”.

The practical planning of the action is probably the easiest task, and it can even be done in advance by experienced activists. But the group preparation process is not possible for others to do, that has to happen within each individual and the group that actually does the action. It is impossible to skip (at least if you want people to come back and stay in the movement…). But of course, different groups will spend more or less time on it and have different traditions on how it is done.

Generally any group process need to find its own right combination of process vs. goal orientation. If we work in the tradition of Gandhian thought means and ends are connected and facilitate each other. Then it makes sense to build a democratic, respectful, non-oppressive and just community culture within your movement if you want to be effective in creating a democratic, respectful, non-oppressive and just society. Thus preparation is two-folded: building community and enabling effective results. Any group will differ in how exactly it wants to go about combining these orientations, since they demand very different activities. To make the right combination with energy, fantasy and endurance we need something more: creativity, both individually and collectively.

So, a good group needs to facilitate creativity, community and effectiveness, in a good combination (and that “right” combination depends on the group and the context, the task ahead, etc.) that makes nonviolence flourishing in our selves and the society.

Basically the group preparation process needs to combine theory and practice. What is most emphasized, again, is a matter of different movement cultures and their task ahead. But everyone individual and group need to learn both how to do various movement activities (do a press-release, facilitate a meeting, give a speech, gather information, organise transport or food for a group, etc.) and, based on experience, reflect on that practice, in order to experiment and develop it. If movements don’t learn from mistakes as well as success then it won’t be able to grow and facilitate change. The theoretical activity might be concentrated with educators/trainors or scholar-activists within the movement, but it can’t be isolated. All participants need to reflect and evaluate, need to learn why certain ways of doing things work or fails.

This is difficult and in order to give an example of how it can be done and what problems might arise the experience of the Ploughshares movement in Europe might be helpful.

The Ploughshares is a movement that do nonviolent disarmament actions at military factories or bases (see http://www.plowsharesactions.org/ ). Since 1980 there has been some 70 actions in which equipment of e.g. nuclear weapons, fighter air-planes or machine-guns have been disarmed/destroyed, with the hammer blows and bolt-cutters of ordinary citizens. The actions have been done in the US, Europe and Australia. Activists have sometimes received up to 20 years in prison but mostly one or two years. A couple of times activists have been acquitted by a jury or the judge, succeeding with their aim: making disarmament of weapons accepted. In the US ploughshares are predominantly Christian but in Europe they are typically secular peace and solidarity activists.

The preparation model was adapted from the US Ploughshares which is based on a small affinity group which met and reflected on broad issues and practical planning. But the Swedish model of what we called “ploughshares retreats” is possible to understand as a combination of the US ploughshares’ type of bible study groups and the Scandinavian people’s informal education tradition (from the 19th century with “Folk High Schools” and “study circles”) – which by the way inspired Gandhi in his development of an Indian educational system, and which is partly similar to the Paulo Freire tradition. These “resistance retreats” focused on text reflections in the group, with the aim to develop a resistance movement and life long resistance activists. We also developed the group support to the activists and the group preparation process. The role of supporters is central since they enable more activists to do actions and amplify the political effect and meaning of the action. By working freer and continuously outside of the jail they can make the most of the action.

The preparation model was in itself a cultural adaptation from the US Ploughshares. It was a “reflection retreat” type of preparation, to 90 % consisting on the reading/presentation of moral/political/theoretical themes, group silence/reflection, a go-round on each participant’s thoughts and then a discussion. Themes were like e.g. prison, family, obedience, the law, symbols, effectiveness, etc (see Appendix). The main idea was to develop a “resistance community” and a educational process that would make people chose resistance as a central part in their life (not just do an action) and a strong community support (with not necessarily strong individuals) and a well-developed form of action (that always was part of the development of the movement).

The US ploughshares model of preparation is a fusion of catholic monastery tradition and experiences from radical social movements (especially the Anti-Vietnam war movement, the Feminist movement of the 1960s and the Civil Rights movement). In the way it has developed it mainly emphasise resistance community and (Christian) spiritual faith, none of which has been possible as building-blocks for the movement in Europe (only for individuals). That means that European ploughshares (1983-) had to develop its own version of the movement and the group process.

Each ploughshares group is autonomous and does its own experimentation and version of the preparation process, type of action and cultural adaptation. The continuation of the movement is secured by participation of group members that has been in some other groups before. The reflexive group process constructs innovation of the movement tradition through new members’ perspectives and the older members’ experience of earlier successful methods or problems/conflicts/failures.

The ploughshares preparation process is best described as a group oriented resistance retreat model (Vinthagen 1998:15-18) which builds on group reflection (in the US on Bible texts, in Europe on secular texts). The retreat means that you take a step back from action and daily life, reflect on it and get ready for new actions and a changed daily life. The process is on an intellectual/political level about facilitating the reflection on our social role as humans/Christians in the world we live in and our moral/political duties and possibilities of social change.

The European version uses a developed and formalized alternative meeting-structure (with rotation of responsibilities, go-rounds, silence, evaluations of meetings, facilitators, vibe-watchers, “oppression watchers”, secretaries and sometimes even process-facilitators, etc.).

During civil disobedience trainings in Sweden it is common to have a “Obstacles exercise” in which participants individually lists all that hinders them from doing an action, then develops collectively as many solutions for each hinder as possible. When e.g. someone writes “prison”, then the solutions might be: study-visit to prison, reading novels from prisoners, interviewing experienced activists, try with an action that only gives a couple of days in jail, learn meditation/yoga, etc.

On a practical and action oriented level it is possible to understand the Swedish version of the model as an attempt to do group work on participants obstacles, to develop solutions that make their action possible. The retreats are designed to systematically process all hindrance that exists. There is no chance of getting rid of the serious obstacles (like fear of violence and humiliation; years of prison time, etc.), they don’t have “solutions”, but they can be minimized, handled or accepted. It is in that sense the process is about “disarming the self”, i.e. to manage or live with fears and temptations of affluence and privileges (without becoming paralyzed or passive).

On a relational level it is important that each individual in a ploughshares group is linked both to the group and her/his family/community. The relationship between the individuals within a group is elaborated and systematic but the relationship between the group and families of group members are not clear, sometimes even ignored (although not in Sweden).

Let us look on some general stages or issues which groups who do nonviolent civil disobedience tend to go through. Here they are presented with some examples of how the ploughshares groups have dealt with them. Ploughshares normally meet for weekend retreats for a couple of months, then a week or two at the site before the action, followed by support work of jailed or imprisoned activists (which sometimes takes several years).

The normal and problematic stages/issues in a preparation: 1.Invitation to a group. Who makes the invitation? (Easily becomes the leader of the group; the same peoples/organisers all the time – like in the US where Phil mostly did it?). Should the invitation be personal and secret or public?

2.Group-formation. Who can join? What about late-comers? (Those who enters when the group has already been through some basic discussions, decisions and/or building relationships and trust, e.g. at the second retreat). How to deal with early drop-outs?

3.Forming group-rules. What work-structure and rules guides the group? Who decides what? Will there be any formal hierarchy? (Mainly a question of the relationship between activists and supporters). Who will be the informal leader? (There will probably always be at least one and it is something the whole group will be part of creating, depending on how participants listen and treat people different). Does everyone have to be at every meeting of the group? Should there be a group contract (of rules)? Or should we deal with the problems when/if they occur?

4.Deciding and plan group-work with choice of focus and intensity. How intense will the preparation be and what will the group focus on? Mainly a choice between being action-oriented (practical, political, etc) or community-oriented (supporting each other and building a community that can help people to do the action). That orientation will ultimately be decided when the group experience conflicts or tensions close to the action…

5.Forming relationships to others. How will the group treat family, partners, children, communities, friends, etc.? Will they get to know anything, if so, how much? Will they have any influence on the action? Will there be any contact and influence from the local peace groups, community or activists in the area where the action will happen? (Or will the action be just another “hit-and-run” action messing up work done by locals…?). Will outsiders be contacted prior to the action (e.g. the base/factory, the trade union)? How will the group relate to media (discussion on boycotting media has always occurred but several Swedish groups have worked very professional with media-relations and often had a special “media-group”).

6.Action formation. When will the decision be taken (and by whom: the whole group or only activists themselves?) and how will the action be done? Use of symbols? Alternative scenarios? What if activists are arrested before doing the disarmament? Under what circumstances is the action aborted?

7.When are we ready to act? Are there any motives or behaviour of a participant which is not acceptable for an activist or a supporter? Who decides who can be an activist or supporter; that person individually or the group together, the group that will take care of the consequences? How strict is the time-plan of the action? (In Sweden this would be formalised in a “Criticism go-round”, see below).

8.Dealing with the stress before the action (especially the “action-week”). Here the group will live through a lot of tension-build up and risks of hidden conflicts surfacing (one reason behind having the formal “criticism go-round” before entering this phase…) and the way the group deals with these problems will have a huge impact on the community and relationships after the action... Struggle between group-needs and individual needs will easily arise, and risks of group-pressure or (strong) individuals that dominate choices/decisions. A crisis might occur when someone decides to drop-out (not unusual), have serious doubts/fears or don’t prioritize the work enough (very common) by coming late, wanting to change the dates or forgotten home-work (doing banners, checking information, contacting people, making drafts of statements, bringing tools, etc….). The “help” that group members offer to someone who have doubts/worries might become a group-pressure, forcing individuals to stay on, make the wrong decisions. Is it possible to change the time-plan, add more time to preparation, support individuals that have some acute problem (e.g. a fight with a partner, a sudden unrelated but serious problem in the family/work, etc.)? This might be hard when several persons have made themselves free to do the action, when outsiders are contacted (e.g. an “embedded journalist” is on the way to join the action…), there are political reasons to do the action at a certain date (e.g. at a certain Christian symbolic day, in connection to a ongoing political process or in a media-favorable period).

9.Doing the action. How does the communication work in the group during the action, especially when unexpected things happen? How does the group deal with a failure of some kind (e.g. being arrested before disarmament)? How will the support group build there new group community, work-sharing, hierarchy, etc.? How to deal with too much work; what will be prioritized and how to work with “peace” and joy under stress?

10.Support work after the action, during jail- and prison time. Here the group needs to focus on the needs of the incarcerated activists and the political communication of the action (with locals, lawyers, adversaries, media, police, corporations, families, broader movement actors, and the general public). Therefore this period can be really stressful and difficult with a lot of work and little time for the needs of supporters. Both activists and supporters, as well as other actors, tend to focus on the activists, making it really difficult to care for the needs of the “service people” on the outside of the walls. Obviously this might create some tensions, resentment and disappointment.

11. Doing the trial. What is the goal? To become free or to make a statement? What is the goal of the trial for us? How to deal with that activists are coming to the trial (drafted by the state…) but some of the supporters who will not come (since they prioritize)?

12.Dealing with the punishment. Who has the responsibility to support the activists while in prison or suffering harsh economic punishments? It is often decided that the supporters have that responsibility but regularly it will be the families/partners that are drafted to do it (even though they are in almost all cases, not even in Sweden, part of taking the decision of the action…) since supporters have a tendency to disappear with time (in Sweden it is not unusual that it takes one or two years until the trial and another one or two years until prison time…

13.When is the group dissolved? This is a sometimes overlooked but important last stage. For some that is when the action is over, for most it is when the punishment is dealt with. But if people are suffering consequences many years later – by psychological problems, economic hardship due to loss of a job-offer caused by the action or intervention by the bailiff – then, mostly, activists are alone…In some groups this worry of being alone with the consequences after the action has been so strong that a ritual with a signing of a group contract has been introduced (but in at least one Swedish group that didn’t help…).

Tensions/problems/dilemmas that each group will have to deal with and face and which arise from the aim to do a disarmament action and/or the process as such (what ever special version is used):

The relative importance of your (chances to have a) family/partner vs. the movement/action. It has not been unusual that ploughshares activists end up talking about it as “either-or”; some claiming that family orientation is counter-resistance. During some Hope & Resistance gatherings celibacy was discussed as a resistance option. Sectarian tendencies (as opposed to “being a sect”) are not unavoidable but immanent, arising from ideas such as “divine obedience” (common description of civil disobedience among radical Christians in the US), “self-purification” (originally from Gandhi, taken up by ML King and then of spiritual NVDA-activists of various sorts), avant-gardism (leading others the “right” way) “speaking truth to power” or “witnessing of truth”. Each radical group that faces such risks as a ploughshares group is of course tending to totalize its commitment of participants, which needs to be understood and countered. Hero-temptation, driven by the way media, public and friends sometimes treat the heroic act of disarmament and (facing) prison; as well as the activist culture of high-status for those who feel a freedom from fear, are disciplined, hard working and brave; and Gandhian ideas of “nonviolence of the strong”. When activists belong to this group of “strong individuals” then they don’t need the group support and reduce the supporters to facilitators of some support service. Who decides? Are activists those deciding the action alone as they are the ones risking their skin or are supporters having an equal say since they are the ones that have to do support work the whole prison time? Obviously then, activist could decide on the issues that are concerning them and supporters decide on their issues, but the reality is not as clear-cut. (It is not necessarily so that Helen Woodson who has spent decades in prison having so much problem in prison compared to the supporters in her community who need to take care of her numerous children…).

How long preparation in the group? The action can be done too early or too late. If it is too early it will create stress and oppression of those who are not ready or as strong as others. If the action happens too late the burden of group work and process becomes drawn out, maybe introvert and self-obsessed and the risk of drop-outs rises. The balance between action planning and retreat (reflection and in-depth exploration). Too much technical and practical action planning in the group makes support, community and reflection less central. Each group has to do place scouting (mapping the area), fact-finding, technical entry, alternative scenarios and movement planning and learn about guard-routines, security measures and weapon-technique (in order to disarm), but the question is how much that will structure the work. The group might end up focusing too much on retreat (with e.g. too intimate relationships developing, or too academic discussions on social change, excluding non-academics), or too much on the action-planning (with e.g. too many optional places or ways of doing the action, or too high norms of knowledge of weapon systems and security techniques). The balance between the need to rotate leadership roles (organising meetings, preparing material for the reflections and action, contacting groups, finding information, etc.) creating a democratic diffusion of leadership-skills versus the need that the work is done with high quality and competence. The degree of openness and what will be kept secret is something each group needs to make a judgement on (since total openness or total secrecy is impossible). Every group decides to keep the action date secret and their helpful sources of information (from workers, soldiers, civil servants, etc.) but some other groups decides to be secret with a lot of more things (the invitation to join the group, that they plan an action, who is part of it, etc.).

The balance between formal decisions and structure versus a flexible attitude and supportive atmosphere in the group. Here groups will vary a lot and have their own style. Swedish groups are relatively very formal, doing detailed minutes and exact formulations of decisions, responsibilities, etc. How to combine individual needs and personality vs. group needs and task? Do we really need to like each other and become friends?!

The preparation process has in practice made visible several difficult problems which might arise in any group preparing for nonviolent resistance actions that involves risk-taking. All these problems have already occurred in some ploughshares groups in Europe, as serious conflicts threatening the existence of a group or as minor tendencies which has been managed.

How do we avoid becoming trapped in these group problems?

1.The sect and the chosen ones (the revolutionary avant-garde).

2.The community of intimacy and hidden conflicts (which don’t dare to be honest and face conflicts).

3.The community as self-serving goal, i.e. hindrance of the action (“Why do actions when the group process is the great thing, which is what we should bring to others?”).

4.The problem of using the group as therapy or a new family (Instead of giving energy to the group, the energy is drained for private purpose…).

5.The Hero Syndrome (the Brave Activists and their adoring fan clubs).

6.The Macho Activists who can do it themselves (without the group) (but who want a group to do the not-so sexy support service…).

7.The One Big Action (which is not sustained by boring long-term movement work). Becomes the “The Big Witness” by the truth-speakers, or “the Saintly Act” of self-purification (which, when it is done once, gives a ticket to the Moral Club…).

8.Desperation and belief of “quick effects”, i.e. pressing the group to do things too quick (wanting to do “something drastic” due to pessimism and anxiety).

9.The endless process as hindrance (After several months of group process: who has the energy to do an action?).

10.Actions as self-realisation (Developing yourself, becoming a different human through interesting experiences…).

11.An alternative and fast development of your job-carrier? (Doing an action and becoming a media-star, author, lecturer, conflict-trainer, radical intellectual, etc.).

12.Totalizing of commitment, i.e. pressing people to make an “all or nothing choice” (e.g. between family and resistance).

13.The dictatorship of the (stubborn) individuals (through veto and consensus decision-making).

14.Group pressure and the difficulty (for new or insecure persons) to say no.

15.A preparation for an action or romance? (Using the group to find intimate relationships).

16.Envy or power struggle between participants, i.e. the support group as hindrance (undermining acts by those who didn’t feel ready to risk prison time against those who did…).

17.Ritual murder of leaders (Liberating yourself from internal dependency on authorities or moral leadership figures by attacking them symbolically).

In order to discuss some of these process problems, let me expand on three of them:

a) Community or support group as a hindrance (no. 3 and 16):

This is a two-folded problem, firstly in a group that had a “preparation” process for more than two years, in which one attempted action was done in the middle, and which continued after that, wanting to do more (there where no real consequences of that first attempt) - the “fantastic” meetings, rituals and reflections, the sharing of silence and deeply personal discussions on resistance, power and social change was such a revelation for the participants that they were, you could say, “in love with the process”. Then why do an action? That would put an end to the cosy radical community. Secondly, the hindrance is about that the support group, which in our early version of the process, was only formed in the end, close to the action, sometimes became a hindrance in terms of wanting to influence the symbols, action time, tactics, etc. despite not taking the risks. And, some of them, then more often than not, newer to actions, felt they didn't have the same value and worth as the activists. You see, the supporters where not supporters since they wanted to support, but because they didn't feel ready to be activists, so it was a position which represented failure...Consequently, power struggles and tensions sometimes developed between the two groups: activists and supporters.

b) Ritual murder of leaders (no. 17):

After a couple of years, when ploughshares in Sweden became bigger and, younger in average-age - then some newcomers went through a typical group process that is seen in other groups/movements. They where firstly full of admiration to the founding generation of activists and made them into leaders (basically two men). These where of course informal leaders but all groups and camps where ultra-democratic in its formal structure. Anyway, with time these new activists, when they realised that the leaders were not so perfect NVDA-leaders as they had imagined in the beginning, and they had disagreements with them, they still felt so powerless in front of them (since they were a lot more experienced, travelled, learned and often more vocal) that they didn't dare to make their criticism public (despite the fact that the leaders tried their best to encourage criticism and difference). So, they, of course, attacked the leaders in a hidden way, with slander and mean rumours, character attacks. This is similar to what happens when any great leader (a father, a God) is disavowed. In a ritual murder you kill the Leader/Hero symbolically; you resist the internal hereoship by doing something which liberates yourself. In that process liberation do partly happen and people get more ready to become autonomous individuals but the leader might (at least in an anarchist/feminist/pacifist radical subculture like this) be put on a strange trial without any (visible) prosecutor or chance of defence. As an example, some activists believed and spread to others “what they had heard” claiming that the leaders had raped a woman in their community but silenced it... It wasn’t true but since it could have been it served the purpose: ritual murder of the leader figures.

c) Actions as self-realization and job-carrier (no. 10 and 11):

You can make yourself into someone by your work in a radical movement, at least in some societies. You might get the base to become a socially engaged priest, a known author and conflict resolution trainer, a peace researcher, a journalist or a NGO-leader, etc. In the start you are just a regular person: nobody. But in the ploughshares there will be a lot of media attention (TV-sofas, etc.), trials, and speeches, things to write and lecture about. Firstly, this gives you self-confidence, an empowerment. Secondly, this gives you status among friends that like what you do. Thirdly, it gives you status within the ploughshares community (according to who has been longest in jail or done most actions, tells the most entertaining jokes and stories about situations around in the world...). Fourthly, it gives you, in some organisations, a way in to establishment (media, university, consulting, etc.). You basically go through a hell of crash-course in doing press-releases, talking to judges, being in police cells, organise camps for hundreds of people, talk in front of an audience, discuss in TV-shows, etc. So, yes, the motivation to act in the ploughshares is not necessarily so anti-establishment and painful as it might seem (but it might be and motives and processes are different)...

These problems became, as you might understand, after a while the main problem for the ploughshares to survive and develop as a movement. The prison time, the heavy fines, the criticism from friends and family, the problems to get a job, were of course also, like in all NVDA groups, a problem, but not the main problem. In an absurd twist, the preparation process that existed in order to facilitate the actions became the main hindrance for doing actions. People didn’t want to go through the group process – ending up in tight relationships with difficult persons, group conflicts and endless process work – thus avoided the movement…

But after a while a number of measures where developed in order to deal with these problems, and that made the process less of a hindrance. The things developed might be suggestions for how to do an improved process and continue the experimentation of community building. For example the groups started to use …..XX

My conclusion about the ploughshares preparation process experiment in Europe:

The basic idea behind the group preparation process in ploughshares is that the support and community of the group can facilitate the choice, ability and commitment to disarm. At the same time it is evident, at least from the European and especially the Swedish experience, that the community or the difficulties to build a community with several and different persons constitute the main problem for the activists in their effort to construct a ploughshares action. It is in a sense the paradox of ploughshares preparation that the main source of activism is the supportive small community of activists, while the main obstacle is the conflicts of the same close relationships (including outsiders, like family, partner, children, etc.). Of course state punishments (prison, fines, etc.) and other social punishments (like ostracism, media campaigns, etc.) are a difficult obstacles, especially when activists get long time in prison…, but these problems are mediated through the group, in an action facilitating as well as destructive way.

The main conclusion is that the resistance culture creates its own problematic tendencies which need its own reflexive counter-culture in order not to destroy the attempt of resistance. The creation of a ploughshares resistance culture with its way of life, values of thinking, new behavioural patterns makes a “new little society” (a “prefigurative society”) with its own problems, conflicts, hierarchies, power and even oppression. In order not to get stuck in an oppositional role, in a reaction to the “old” surrounding society, a self-reflective and critical evaluation of its own power problems is needed. Thus, a kind of “internal resistance” against the movement culture is necessary: i.e. internal resistance against (some aspects of) the external resistance. If the principle of preparation is support and community, the principle of the internal resistance is open dialogue, plurality and critical self-reflection.

Appendix: Themes for group preparation

Each group will have its own agenda depending on the participants, the situation and the action they have in mind. Besides the reflection themes groups also have group dynamic exercises, games, practical work, ceremonies, meditations and/or role-plays of action situations (similar to what exists in “nonviolent trainings”). But some examples of the normal themes that in Europe are brought up in the process are listed below (Vinthagen 1998: 19, 104-105), showing how the European ploughshares have attempted to make the action preparation into some kind of a “resistance university”.

Typical theme structure:

1.Introduction (by one participant who reads a short key text, a quote or gives a short introducing reflection)

2.Silence (giving everyone time to reflect on the theme).

3.A go-round without discussion (each participant speaks in turn).

4.Free discussion

The introduction is often a general perspective or from another context but the group discussion will often connect the theme to the action and tasks ahead.

General action themes (in no specific order):

Our movement (tradition and experiences, strengths and weaknesses).

“Nonviolence” and “violence”.

“Civil disobedience”.

Life History (each of the participants tells their life story during some 20-30 minutes). (Good to have early as community building theme).

The Political situation in which we live/act.

The law and society: good or bad?

God and faith / Hope and endurance (Its sources, personal attitude, role for the action, etc).

To live and work collectively (in a community, cooperative, etc.).

“Nonviolence as a way of life”.

Motives (to take part in an action group and/or do an action).

“Motives I have but don’t approve of”.

Analysis of present military (nuclear weapons or arms trade, etc.) situation.

The role of the broader movement(s) in which we act (the ploughshares might be linked to radical Christian, New Left, peace, ecology and solidarity movements).

Media: helping or hindering social change?

Resistance (What is it, how is it possible?).

Feminism (What is it, how is it possible?).

Violence inside our selves and in the group? Can it really be absent?!

Fear. Death.

Doubts.

What is the base of (our) activism?! Spiritual, material (class, the body, the political economy), political and/or moral?

Family and friends (What to say to them? How do they view it? Is an open meeting with them a good idea?).

Heroes/Elitism/Sectarianism: How to avoid it? Why does it occur?

Openness and protection (in relation to punishment and infiltration).

The State; police, court, prison, etc.

Future: visions and plans (for each person individually, as well as for the movement’s continuation and development).

Personal, collective and society needs: a conflict or a unity?

Punishment (function for society and individual experience/attitude).

Practical action themes:

Time periods (meeting dates, preliminary action date).

Symbolism of the action (how to do it, what to wear and bring with to emphasise the message).

Action message (Witness, etc.). What do we want to say? Is it clear from how the action is done?

How to deal with the media (mass media and own movement media)?

The arrest (legal rights, our goal, preparation, role-playing, etc.).

The trial (legal rights, our goal, preparation, role-playing, etc.).

Communication during action and during jail/prison (Designing main and alternative systems).

Prison: doing time and living on the inside.

Support work (what and priorities).

Investigations (of issue and place). (Reports at meetings, work between them).

Statement (to the press and other groups, e.g. doing litigation for war crimes).

Dialogue with stakeholders (employed, etc.) (With whom? Before, after?).

Regular themes (every retreat):

“Weather-report” (short go-round in which everyone tells about how they feel and what has happened since last meeting)

Evaluation of the group (how it functions; practically, efficiency, creativity, community, participation)

Economy (sharing the costs, and discussing how to build some resources for the future)

What is my role? (Support person or activist).

What tasks and needs exists, are they filled?

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(Print version)

Preparation of High-Risk Actions in Groups: Some Challenges

(About Nonviolent Action and Group Process, with the example of the European ploughshares movement)

Stellan Vinthagen

(Active in the ploughshares movement in Europe 1986-2000)

stellan.vinthagen@resistancestudies.org

Second draft, version 2007-12-11

A challenge for any movement which wants to do effective nonviolent actions is how to prepare these actions. Mohandas K. Gandhi and Martin Luther King emphasized mass-meetings and “self-purification”, i.e. individual preparation through meditation, fasting or prayer. They believed in “nonviolence of the strong”. Since the 1970s – with the criticism of such spiritual and individualistic nonviolence together with the creative development of new organisational forms, especially within the US feminist movement – NVDA preparation has become more group-oriented. Even in big movements most work is done in (smaller) groups.

If we work in the tradition of Gandhian thought means and ends are connected and facilitate each other. Then it makes sense to build a democratic, respectful, non-oppressive and just community culture within your movement if you want to be effective in creating such a society. Thus preparation is two-folded: building community and enabling effective results. Any group will differ in how exactly it wants to go about combining such process and goal orientations, since they demand very different activities. To make our own unique combination with energy, fantasy and endurance we need something more: creativity, both individually and collectively.

So, a good group needs to facilitate creativity, community and effectiveness, in a good combination (and that combination depends on the group and the context, the task ahead, etc.) that makes nonviolence flourishing in our selves and our society.

This is a difficult task which demands good understanding of both groups and the world you work in. In order to give an example of how it can be done and what problems might arise the experience of the Ploughshares movement in Europe might be helpful.

The Ploughshares movement does nonviolent disarmament actions at military factories or bases (see http://www.plowsharesactions.org/ ). Since 1980 there has been some 70 actions in which equipment of e.g. nuclear weapons, fighter air-planes or machine-guns have been disarmed/destroyed, with the hammer blows and bolt-cutters of ordinary citizens. The actions have been done in the US, Western Europe and Australia. Activists have sometimes received up to 20 years in prison but mostly one or two years. In the US ploughshares are predominantly Christian but in Europe typically secular.

The ploughshares preparation process is best described as a group oriented resistance retreat model which builds on group reflection. The retreat means that you take a step back from action and daily life, reflect on it and get ready for new actions and a changed daily life. The process is on a political level about facilitating the reflection on our social role in the world we live in and our duties and possibilities of social change. Ploughshares normally meet for weekend retreats for a couple of months, then a week or two at the site before the action, followed by support work of jailed or imprisoned activists (which sometimes takes several years).

Building a resistance movement in the Western context among predominantly white middle-class means struggling with the dominance of a consumer society in which (most) people live alienated from the world realities of poverty, war and oppression, i.e. where power is internalised and resistance abstract.

On a practical level it is possible to understand it as group work on participants obstacles, to develop solutions that make their action possible. The retreats are designed to systematically process all hindrance that exists. There is no chance of getting rid of the serious obstacles (like fear of violence and humiliation; years of prison time, etc.), they don’t have “solutions”, but they can be minimized, handled or accepted. In that sense the process is about “disarming the self”, i.e. to manage or live with fears, and temptations of affluence and privileges (without becoming paralyzed or passive).

Dilemmas that groups will have to deal with and which arise from the aim to do a high-risk NVDA and the group process: How to balance action/movement commitment with other commitments in life? A major problem is deciding on the relative importance of your family/partner vs. the movement/action.

Who decides? Are activists those deciding the action alone as they are the ones risking their skin or are supporters having an equal say since they are the ones that have to do support work the whole prison time?

How long preparation in the group? The action can be done too early (not enough prepared to do a good job) or too late (energy and focus is lost).

When is the group dissolved? After the action, the jail-time or when all consequences (also psychological damages) are dealt with some years after?

The balance between practical action planning and community building retreat.

The balance between the need to rotate leadership roles versus the need that the work is done with high quality and competence.

The degree of openness and what will be kept secret is something each group needs to make a judgement on (since total openness or total secrecy is impossible).

The balance between formal decisions and structure versus a flexible attitude and supportive atmosphere in the group.

How to combine individual needs and personality vs. group needs and task? Do we really need to like each other and become friends?!

The experience of ploughshares has made visible several difficult problems which might arise in any group preparing for nonviolent resistance actions that involves risk-taking. All these problems have already occurred in some groups in Europe, as serious conflicts threatening the existence of a group or as minor tendencies which has been managed.

How do we avoid becoming trapped in these group problems?

1.The sect and the chosen ones (the revolutionary avant-garde).

2.The community of intimacy and hidden conflicts (which don’t dare to be honest and face conflicts).

3.The community as self-serving goal, i.e. hindrance of the action (“Why do actions when the group process is the great thing, which is what we should bring to others?”).

4.The problem of using the group as therapy or a new family (Instead of giving energy to the group, the energy is drained for private purpose…).

5.The Hero Syndrome (the Brave Activists and their adoring fan clubs).

6.The Macho Activists who can do it themselves (without the group) (but who want a group to do the not-so sexy support service…).

7.The One Big Action (which is not sustained by boring long-term movement work). Becomes the “The Big Witness” by the truth-speakers, or “the Saintly Act” of self-purification (which, when it is done once, gives a ticket to the Moral Club…).

8.Desperation and belief of “quick effects”, i.e. pressing the group to do things too quick (wanting to do “something drastic” due to pessimism and anxiety).

9.The endless process as hindrance (After several months of group process: who has the energy to do an action?).

10.Actions as self-realisation (Developing yourself, becoming a different human through interesting experiences…).

11.An alternative and fast development of your job-carrier? (Doing an action and becoming a media-star, author, lecturer, conflict-trainer, radical intellectual, etc.).

12.Totalizing of commitment, i.e. pressing people to make an “all or nothing choice” (e.g. between family and resistance).

13.The dictatorship of the (stubborn) individuals (through veto and consensus decision-making).

14.Group pressure and the difficulty (for new or insecure persons) to say no.

15.A preparation for an action or romance? (Using the group to find intimate relationships).

16.Envy or power struggle between participants, i.e. the support group as hindrance (undermining acts by those who didn’t feel ready to risk prison time against those who did…).

17.Ritual murder of leaders (Liberating yourself from internal dependency on authorities or moral leadership figures by attacking them symbolically).

The basic idea behind the group preparation process in ploughshares is that the support and community of the group can facilitate the ability and commitment to disarm. At the same time it is evident, at least from the European and especially the Swedish experience, that the community or the difficulties to build a community with several and different persons constitute the main problem. It is in a sense the paradox of ploughshares preparation that the main source of activism is the supportive small community of activists, while the main obstacle is the conflicts of the same close relationships (including family, partner, children, etc.). Of course state punishments (prison, fines, etc.) and other social punishments (like job problems, media campaigns, etc.) are difficult, especially when activists get long time in prison…, but these problems are mediated through the group.

My conclusion is that a resistance culture creates its own problematic tendencies which need its own reflexive counter-culture in order not to destroy the attempt of resistance. The creation of a resistance culture with its way of life, values, and new behavioural patterns makes a new little society (a “prefigurative society”) with its own problems, conflicts, hierarchies, power and even oppression. In order not to get stuck in an oppositional role, in a reaction to the “old” surrounding society, a self-reflective and critical evaluation of its own power problems is needed. Thus, a kind of “internal resistance” against the movement culture is necessary: i.e. internal resistance against (some aspects of) the external resistance. If the principle of preparation is support and community, the principle of the internal resistance is open dialogue, plurality and critical self-reflection.

A longer version of this article is available here

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Direct Action Roles for Affinity Groups

(A very abbreviated list…)

BEFORE ACTION Coordinator, Campaigner or Organizer Fundraisers Research Scouting the site or route Outreach and organizing Logistics and support Meeting facilitator Prop, sign and banner making, Painters, Graphic artists, etc. Media outreach: Send out media advisory and media release Media kits Writers DURING ACTION People risking arrest (committing civil disobedience) Direct Support People Police Liaison Peacekeepers/monitors: Deployment Team/ Diversion Media spokesperson Media outreach Communication team Demonstrators/Sign-holders/Chanters/Singers/ Hand out literature etc. Videographer Still photographer Medic/EMT/Medical Team Legal Observer(s) Jail Support Contact person AFTER ACTION Legal Support Lawyer Documentarian/Historian/Archivist Fundraisers Public speakers Letter writers to decision-makers and newspaper editorial boards

taken from: Rant collective

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Taken from "People Power and Protest Since 1945: A Bibliography of Nonviolent Action" Compiled by April Carter, Howard Clark and Michael Randle. The bibliography and a supplement are available on sale from Housmans bookshop or online at 1

H. Preparation and Training for Nonviolent Action

Movements that expect their nonviolent actions to be met with violence generally pay attention to how to prepare themselves for that reaction. However, nonviolence training has come to involve much more than that – a range of activities embracing personal empowerment, group formation, campaign planning, strategy development and preparation and evaluation of actions. This section focuses strictly on preparation for action.

Nevertheless the dividing lines between preparation for action and nonviolence as a way of life are by no means clear. A quality such as self-discipline, for Gandhi, was something best instilled by daily participation in constructive programme activities. - constructive work was, he said, the best training for satyagraha (nonviolent direct action). Rather than self-discipline, today's activists are more likely to emphasise the element of “empowerment” necessary for action. Again, however, they treat this not as a quality simply to be “switched on” during a particular event but as something that touches on attitudes underpinning everyday behaviour.

Many materials used in nonviolence training overlap with other forms of workshops – conflict transformation, pedagogy of the oppressed (Paolo Freire), theatre of the oppressed (Agosto Boal), nonviolent communication (Marshall Rosenberg), or the Alternatives to Violence programmes on institutional and domestic violence. Nonviolent action training has evolved according to what people have found useful and practical. Therefore workshop leaders have been eclectic in choosing and developing methods, using whatever works in their experience and culture, be it from the world of human potential workshops, of religious or spiritual practices, of business management options analysis or be it from other forms of campaigning.

Without going back to any of these sources, this section narrowly addresses preparation for nonviolent action. It omits technical “how-tos” (such as on fence-scaling, making tripods, ways to lock on to objects, coping with tear gas) as well as briefings on the legal consequences of actions.

A much fuller – but somewhat dated - Annoted Bibliography of Nonviolent Action Training produced by Nonviolence International can be found at 2. This includes reports and evaluations of nonviolent action training workshops in all continents as well as handbooks produced for particular actions or campaigns.

Beck, Sanderson, Nonviolent Action Handbook (Goleta, California: World Peace Communications, 2002, pp95), introductory texts, downloadable from or print copies from World Peace Communications, 495 Whitman St. #A, Goleta, CA 93117, USA. MARGINAL.

Clark, Howard, Crown, Sheryl, McKee, Angela and MacPherson, Hugh, Preparing for Nonviolent Direct Action (London: Peace News/CND, 1984 pp80). A small book written for and by activists in the 1980s British nuclear disarmament movement, placing nonviolent direct action in a wider strategic framework, urging a small group approach to organising nvda, describing a range of tools and exercises, and offering short success stories. Fanny Tribble's cartoons provide a humorous commentary on the text.

Coover, Virginia, Deacon, Ellen, Esser, Charles and Moore, Christopher, Resource Manual for a Living Revolution (Philadelphia: New Society Publishers, first edition 1977, latest 1985), 351 pp. Familiarly known as “the Monster Manual”, this was the source book for English-speaking nonviolence trainers in the 1970s and 1980s. Produced collectively within the US Movement for a New Society, the Resource Manual aimed to be comprehensive – dealing with theory, working in groups, developing communities of support. personal growth, consciousness raising, training and education, organising for change, and offers a host of exercises and other tools for preparing and evaluating nonviolent action, plus a section on practical skills (cooking, sign making, legal support).

Desai, Narayan, Handbook for Satyagrahis: A Manual for Volunteers of Total Revolution (New Delhi: Gandhi Peace Foundation, 1980. pp 57). The founder of the Institute for Total Revolution outlines a Gandhian approach to nonviolence training.

Fisher, Simon, Abdi, Dekha Ibrahim, Ludin, Jawed, Smith, Richard, Williams, Steve, Williams, Sue, Working with Conflict: Skills and Strategies for Action (London: Zed, 2000, pp185). Includes exercises and advice on active nonviolence.

Francis, Diana, People, Peace and Power: Conflict transformation in action (London: Pluto 2002, pp264). In addition to reflecting on her experiences as a workshop facilitator, Francis includes various tools and exercises. Puts people power and active nonviolence firmly at the centre of conflict transformation.

Genetix Snowball Handbook for Action: A Guide to Safely Removing Genetically Modified Plants from Release Sites in Britain (1998), 3, is a detailed guide to the issues and methods of this “campaign of nonviolent civil responsibility”.

Greenpeace, Nonviolent Direct Action – advice sheets on planning actions, running a nonviolent direct action workshop and nvda and the law from 4

Hartford, Bruce, Notes from a Nonviolent Training Session (1963, edited 2004), and Nonviolence and Nonviolent Training (2004), 5 describe the practical and philosophical content of the nonviolence training of the US civil rights movement. MARGINAL

Herngren, Per, Paths of Resistance: The Practice of Civil Disobedience. (Philadelphia: New Society Publishers, 1993, 214pp). Reflections and practical advice on civil disobedience by Swedish Ploughshares activist covering, amongst other things, nonviolence, affinity groups, accountability and overcoming fear.

Hunter, Daniel and Lakey, George, Opening Space for Democracy: training manual for third-party nonviolent intervention (Philadelphia: Training for Change, 1501 Cherry St. Philadelphia PA 19102-1477 USA, 2004, pp634). Devised as a training resource for the Nonviolent Peace Force, this manual contains hundreds of training activities in detail, over 60 handouts with the content of how to defend human rights against violence, an integrated 23-day curriculum, many tips for trainers, and mini-essays on pedagogical theory. Most of the book can be downloaded from 6

Jelfs, Martin and Merritt, Sandy, Manual for Action (London: Action Resource Group, 1982, pp81) – a shorter and more readable version of a mimeographed manual produced by Martin Jelfs after the early 1970s wave of British nonviolence training. Descriptions of various tools and exercises.

Lakey, George and Oppenheimer, Martin, Manual for Direct Action (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1965, pp??) Produced during the US civil rights movement. Foreword by Bayard Rustin.

Macy, Joanna, Despair and Personal Power in the Nuclear Age (Gabriola Island, BC: New Society Publishers, 1983, pp??). Includes 47 group exercises to “ignite creative responses” to the nuclear threat. Out-of-print but consult

Moyer, Bill (with JoAnn McAllister, Mary Lou Finley, and Steven Soifer), Doing Democracy: The MAP Model for Organizing Social Movements (Gabriola Island: New Society Publishers, 2001, pp228). From his central insight that some movements could not recognise when they were succeeding, Bill Moyer constructed his model MAP – Movement Action Plan – as a tool of strategic analysis for nonviolent movements. The book includes case studies of five US movements: civil rights, anti-nuclear energy, gay and lesbian, breast cancer, and anti-globalisation.

Nonviolence Training Project, Nonviolence Trainers Resource Manual (Melbourne, May 1995, pp. 211 – printed version available from Pt’chang Nonviolence Training Project, PO Box 2172MDC, Fitzroy VIC 3065, Australia or downloadable as pdf from [http://www.nonviolence.org.au/downloads/trainers_resource_manual_may05.pdf.] Wide-ranging manual with sections on Defining nonviolence, Power and conflict, Learning from other movements, Strategic Frameworks, Nonviolence and communication, Working in groups and g Preparing for nonviolent action. Also includes case studies of action campaigns and a variety of sample agendas. The web page www.nonviolence.org.au/training/ lists a number of resources, and information sheets.

Olsen, Theodore and Shivers, Lynne, Training for Nonviolent Action (London: War Resisters' International, 1970, pp42). An introduction, long out-of-print.

Rose, Chris, How to win campaigns: 100 steps to success (London: Earthscan 2005, pp231). Tips from an environmental campaigner and communications consultant who has worked for Greenpeace, among other organisations. MARGINAL.

The Ruckus Society web page offers manuals on Action Planning Manual and Media among other topics, plus numerous links to other weg pages. 7

Schutt, Randy, Papers on Nonviolent Action and Cooperative Decision-Making, 8, a nonviolence trainer's sample agendas and workshop notes dealing with Preparing for Nonviolent Action, Nonviolent Action Strategic Planning, Cooperative Decision-Making and Interpersonal Behaviour.

Sharp, Gene, Waging Nonviolent Struggle: 20th Century Practice and 21st Century Potential (Porter Sargent 2005, pp598) includes an appendix (pp525-541) on “Preparing a Strategic Estimate for a Nonviolent Struggle” based on Robert Helvey's work. A checklist of questions for such a Strategic Estimate is an appendix in Robert Helvey's On Strategic Nonviolent Conflict: Thinking about Fundamentals (Boston, Mass. Albert Einstein Institution, 2004, pp178) or downloadable from 9

Smuts, Dene and Westcott, Shauna (eds), The Purple Shall Govern: A South African A to Z of Nonviolent Action (Cape Town: Oxford University Press/Centre for Intergroup Studies, 1991, pp 165). An illustrated introduction to the methods of nonviolent action – ordered alphabetically and using primarily South African examples.

Starhawk, Truth or Dare: Encounters with Power, Authority and Mystery (New York: Harper Collins, 1990, pp370). Based in Starhawk's experience in 1980s peace movement affinity groups, this exploration of eco-feminist spirituality proposes an understanding of power along three axes – power-over, power-within and power-with. the book includes many “exercises, rituals and mediations for individuals and groups” on themes connected with empowerment, group functioning, preparing for action, and recovering from violence. Starhawk's web page includes a section on resources for trainers developed by herself and by others, including sample short and long agendas used in the anti-globalization movement and a wide range of advice sheets.

Taylor, Richard K., Blockade: A Guide to Nonviolent Intervention, Maryknoll NY, Orbis Books, 1977, pp. 175. Part 2 is a manual for direct action (also published separately, but now out-of-print) derived from the campaign to block supplies to Pakistan from US East Coast ports during Pakistan's repression in East Bengal.

Trident Ploughshares, Tri-Denting It Handbook (3rd edn 2001), 10, has sections arguing the illegality of nuclear weapons before introducing the campaign and its action philosophy and suggesting how to prepare for action.

Turning the Tide – a British Quaker project - offers information sheets on various elements of preparing for nonviolent action, currently Planning a campaign, Nonviolence and active nonviolence, Power, How change happens and Consensus decision-making. It also publishes Making Waves, a newsletter. Find taster sheets here: http://turning-the-tide.org/resources/manual#Taster%20Sheets Friends House, 173 Euston Road, London, NW1 2BJ

War Resisters League, Handbook for Nonviolent Action (New York: War Resisters League, Donnelly/Colt Graphix, 1989, reprinted 1991, 1995, 1999, pp36). Designed as a tool for learning about different aspects of nonviolent civil disobedience actions, this draws on the handbooks produced for some of the major US civil disobedience actions of the 1970s and 1980s, and covers every stage of action preparation from planning a campaign to evaluation.

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Volver al indice

¿Por qué deberíamos usar los medios de comunicación en nuestras campañas? Parece una manera extraña de empezar esta sección del Manual, pero es una pregunta importante que los grupos deben hacerse antes de empezar una relación con los medios de comunicación corporativos o con los alternativos. Los medios lo abarcan todo en la vida moderna, especialmente en el mundo occidental, donde las imágenes y los sonidos –la televisión, la radio, la red, los carteles– nos bombardean por todas partes.

Pero intentar usar los medios de comunicación para nuestra campaña es como coger una espada de doble filo: los medios pueden apoyar y destruir buenas campañas. Nos deberíamos de aproximar con cautela y también con una buena compremsión de lo que queremos de esa relación. Esta sección puede ayudar a identificar lo que queremos de los medios y por qué, y sugerir algunas estrategias para extender el mensaje a una audiencia lo más amplia posible.

Objetivos del grupo

Pensad lo que quieres conseguir al usar los medios. Hábladlo en el grupo y sed claros sobre los objetivos, que podrían ser:

Conseguir miembros nuevos/ participantes para la acción o el evento. Aplicar presión crítica sobre un asunto específico mostrando una oposición generalizada. Hacer más visible una cuestión o manera de trabajar que criticais. Enviar mensajes a vuestros oponentes.

Enviando mensajes

Invertid tiempo como grupo trabajando sobre los “mensajes clave”. Preferentemente no pongáis más de tres para cada acción o campaña. Definidlos cuidadosamente y hacedlos lo más concisos posible. Anotadlos y aseguraros de que todo el mundo en vuestro grupo sabe cuáles son y que están satisfechos o al menos pueden aceptarlos. Recordad: estos son vuestros mensajes públicos así que escribidlos en un leguaje claro y fácilmente digerible, que todo el mundo (tanto de dentro como de fuera del grupo) pueda entender. Pensad cómo puede recibir estos mensajes claves el grupo o grupos destinatarios. ¿Se pueden cambiar los mensajes para que sean más atractivos y que se mantengan enfocados? Definir y ponerse de acuerdo sobre los mensajes es útil porque permite que más gente de vuestro grupo se comunique con los medios de comunicación. Hará que vuestras comunicaciones sean más coherentes, reforzará vuestra posición y os mantendrá centrados. Aseguraros de que todas vuestras comunicaciones con los medios incluyen uno o más de estos mensajes clave. Haced prácticas de encuentros con periodistas para practicar vuestros mensajes clave y cómo relacionarse con los medios de un modo efectivo (ver Ejercicio “Juego de roles”, p. X).

Tipos de comunicación

Existen varias maneras de tratar con los medios. Lo que es común a todas las maneras presentadas abajo es la importancia de pensar como un periodista. Preguntaos: ¿Qué es de interés periodístico? ¿Qué les interesa leer a los demás? ¿Cuáles son las noticias? ¡Al mismo tiempo centraos en los mensajes clave!

Tened en cuenta que los medios de comunicación funcionan de manera distinta en diferentes países. Averiguad cómo funcionan en vuestro país y realizad los cambios apropiados.Pedidle a un periodista, o a un activista que tenga experiencia con los medios en tu país que os dé pistas a las que darles vueltas.

Comunicado de Prensa: Un buen comunicado de prensa se escoge. Intentad “embarcaros” en noticias más importantes si podéis relacionarlas con la actividad de la campaña. Por ejemplo si un gobierno o un famoso hacen una afirmación sobre vuestro campo en general, escribid un comunicado de prensa corto el mismo día con la respuesta de vuestro grupo. Podéis usar también esta oportunidad para anunciar un evento o acción que habéis planeado o un aspecto de la campaña que tenéis en marcha (por ejemplo: una petición que estáis haciendo). Escribid clara y concisamente, dadle a vuestro escrito un encabezamiento rápido, de actualidad e inteligente y enteraos de cómo hacerlo llegar a los periodistas (mantened una base de datos de correo electrónico/ fax/ teléfono). Siempre incluid la fecha y los detalles de contacto de un portavoz o contacto con los medios de vuestro grupo. Haced llegar vuestros comunicados de prensa a la prensa local y temática. Por ejemplo: “Una mujer de Oxford es detenida en una protesta contra el armamento nuclear” a un periódico de Oxford o, “Un sacerdote sueco es detenido en una protesta contra el armamento nuclear” a un periódico de la iglesia, eclésiástico / cristiano sueco. La persona encargada de los medios de comunicación de vuestro grupo debería recoger información para los comunicados de prensa que elijáis de todas las personas del grupo de acción. Por ejemplo, nombre (bien escrito), edad, trabajo, origen, cita sobre la acción. Si las citas, los hechos y la situación general están incluidas en un comunicado de prensa, habéis hecho mucho del trabajo periodístico y los medios pueden publicarlo fácilmente.

Portavoz/ Persona designada para los medios de comunicación: Aseguraos de que siempre tenéis un punto de contacto identificable para los medios. Conseguidle correo electrónico y teléfono móvil a ese miembro del grupo. Aseguraros que ella o él es una persona bien informada, y que puede observar los medios de comunicación, para ver los progresos que se hacen en vuestro campo, y así responder adecuadamente a nueva información. Si hay riesgo de detención, la persona con este cargo debería ser “no detenible”, para poder tener acceso a los medios de comunicación mientras los otros están detenidos. Lo ideal sería que tuviérais más de una persona con este cargo.

Encuentros con los periodistas: Es posible entablar buenas relaciones con periodistas a nivel individual. Recordad que si están interesados en vuestro tema, probablemente conseguiréis resultados si les ayudáis, proporcionándoles información precisa y de buena calidad y si les hacéis el extraño favor de darles información clave que no habéis dado a otros periodistas. Después de todo a la mayoría de los periodistas les encantan las esclusivas. Sin embargo, tened cuidado; algunos periodistas os citarán incorrectamente y tergiversarán lo que digáis (deliberadamente o no). Suele pasar con prensa sensacionalista y más de derechas, pero no sólo.

Agencias: Aseguraos de que mandáis vuestros comunicados de prensa a agencias nacionales e internacionales. Algunas noticias no recogidas por las delegaciones que habéis contactado directamente, son recogidas más tarde porque la historia aparece en los teletipos. Llamad a las agencias y a los medios después de haberles mandado un comunicado de prensa. Aseguraos de que sepan quienes sois y cómo os pueden localizar si quieren tener más información más tarde.

Cartas al director: Una buena manera de comunicar los mensajes al público en general, es tener una o dos personas del grupo que compran los periódicos más importantes todos los días y que escriben cartas sobre lo que dicen los periódicos en relación con vuestro tema. De esta manera os pueden publicar muchas cartas en los medios locales y regionales. Este tipo de visibilidad ayuda a que vuestra campaña parezca quizá más grande, más fuerte, y más dedicada de lo que en realidad es. ¡Que no escriba siempre la misma gente porque los editores lo notarán después de un tiempo!.

Página web: Vuestra página web es una herramienta importante para difundir vuestros mensajes; los periodistas la visitarán para recabar información. Aseguraos de que esté siempre al día. Considerad el crear una sección aparte “un centro de información”, para vuestros comunicados de prensa, que tenga imágenes de alta calidad (que sean vuestras y que no os importe que otros usen e impriman) e información general que sea concisa. Obviamente, debería incluir también datos de vuestro contacto directo con ellos (teléfono, correo electrónico). Un blog (una página Web escrita por un miembro del grupo) es una nueva manera de difundir información sobre la acción. No escribáis cosas que no queráis que los medios publiquen si es que queréis usar el blog para los medios o si es público.

Escribiendo para/ comprometiéndose con los medios alternativos: Los medios alternativos en sus diversas formas pueden ser vuestros amigos para ganar apoyo. Sin embargo no lo lee o ve normalmente una gran cantidad de gente. ¡Y probablemente os tendréis que encargar de escribir vosotros! Los sitios web de la red global indymedia os pueden ayudar a dar a conocer vuestra campaña a un público comprensivo, pero posiblemente “no aplicará presión crítica” ni dará a conocer al gran público una cuestión / forma de trabajo poco popular.

Sin embargo, sí que os puede ayudar a que ganéis unos pocos nuevos activistas, y en algunos casos enviar mensajes a vuestros oponentes (la policía y algunas compañías están controlando constantemente parte de los medios alternativos). Los medios alternativos os pueden dar un espacio, para que campañas dispares vean oportunidades para trabajar juntos, y explorar ideas sobre lo que funciona y lo que no, basadas en la experiencia colectiva.

Planeando una campaña en los medios de comunicación

hasta aquí ya tenemos alguna idea de los métodos prácticos para comunicar nuestros mensajes, pero para sacar el máximo resultado de vuestros esfuerzos, dedicad tiempo en planear una campaña en los “medios de comunicación”. Esto quiere decir buscar la mejor manera de comunicaros tanto de una manera efectiva como estratégica y con el consentimiento del resto del grupo. Estas campañas funcionan bien si son entendidas como proyectos cortos o si se dividen en pequeñas dosis. Para conseguir el máximo de este proceso debéis integrar la campaña de medios en una estrategia de campaña completa y definir vuestros mensajes claves claramente (ver “Enviando mensajes”, p. X). Por ejemplo, imaginaos un grupo cuyo objetivo es desenmascarar y socabar la imagen pública de una compañía de armamento concreta. Digamos que el grupo planea trabajar los próximos seis meses para conseguir que algunos de los distribuidores dejen de trabajar para ellos. El grupo puede considerar escribir a estas personas, presionar a sus trabajadores, bloquear sus almacenes, y otras cosas similares. Una buena campaña de medios debería ser capaz de vender las actividades del grupo como positivas y las de la compañía como negativas. Primero, considerad las críticas obvias de la estrategia de vuestro grupo. Por ejemplo: “el mercado es legal”, “están molestando a trabajadores normales”, o “sus tácticas son agresivas”. Una manera de hacer esto es preparar una hoja básica de “preguntas y respuestas” para cualquiera de los miembros que esté con los medios. Esta hoja informativa debería incluir los mensajes claves en la parte superior. Si la campaña tiene eventos clave durante el periodo de seis meses, marcadlos y trabajad sobre qué información deberíais enviar a los medios y cuándo. No olvidéis mandar una nota de avance con dos semanas de antelación e información más detallada, y confirmada tres o cuatro días antes (o a tiempo para que coincida con la fecha tope de los medios de comunicación locales. Por ejemplo, en Gran Bretaña la mayoría de los periódicos semanales se imprimen el jueves, así que mandad la información el martes por la noche o el miércoles por la mañana). Enviad información sobre lo que ocurrió en el evento durante ese mismo día. Marcad esos comunicados a lo largo de los seis meses de campaña. De igual modo, si hay eventos claves del gobierno o de las industrias, se publican informes, se celebran reuniones de organismos internacionales, etc., marcad esas fechas y mirad cómo podéis responder a cada una de ellas. ¡Estad preparados!. Aseguraos de que tenéis un buen número de imágenes de buena resolución que vendan vuestra campaña. Haced buenas fotos de los actos y acciones y ponedlas al de los periodistas que os las pidan o para descargarlas de vuestra página web. Pensad qué medios serán más afines a la campaña y sus tácticas, pero también tened un número de lectores más grande y amplio. Invertid energía en cuidar vuestra relación con ellos. Los medios regionales (prensa, radio, televisión) son más fáciles de satisfacer y muy probablemente os publicarán o anunciarán. Aseguraros de que incluís a los medios locales y regionales en todas vuestras comunicaciones.

Resumen de los consejos generales

Intentad crear una buena relación con los periodistas; os podéis ayudar unos a otros. Pero recordad: no os podéis fiar siempre de ellos. Comunicaos siempre con las agencias porque nunca se sabe dónde se puede recoger algo. Tened siempre un miembro del grupo a mano para que se entienda con las preguntas de las prensa. Mantened las comunicaciones simples y cortas. Estad preparados para las preguntas difíciles. Manteneos en el mensaje. Optad por los puntos de vista locales. Preguntad a otros que hacen campañas, compartid conocimientos, leed manuales y participad en cursos de formación de bajo coste o gratis.

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How does a peace group interweave gender awareness into its peace work? This can be done through its organisational identity and structures, its training and orientation of members, and its development of program strategies.

New Profile, the Israeli peace organisation, describes itself as 'a group of feminist women and men who are convinced that we need not live in a soldiers' state'. Such a clear identification publicises the connections between gender and peace from the very beginning, for anyone who comes in contact with the organisation. New Profile breaks traditional organisational patterns by rotating leadership roles and all paid functions and tries to avoid having a hierarchy of activities. The group's many training and educational programs for new members and the public—workshops, seminars, youth groups, and conferences—always include an analysis of how gender and militarism are connected in Israeli culture and society. It also conduct whole-day study circles that look more deeply at the connections. One such study day in 2007, for example, used photographs of female soldiers from the army's archives to look at the the military recruitment of women in Israel and the general militarisation of the whole society. With such opportunities for study and discussion, New Profile members bring a deeper gender awareness to their problem analysis of militarism and their strategic action planning. New Profile's Small Arms and Light Weapons project not only looked into the problems and structure of the Israeli arms trade, but also investigated how small arms affected individual's lives and how New Profile could help redefine the term 'security' in Israeli culture.

More on New Profile in Israel - New Profile learns from the experience of others

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Gender and Nonviolent Action

Wars will cease when men refuse to fight – and women refuse to approve. Jesse Wallace Hugan, founder of War Resisters League

 

Introduction

 

It may seem simple and obvious that we want both men and women involved in our struggles against war and injustice. However, if we want to fully utilise people's talents, energy, and insights, we need to apply gender awareness to how we organise ourselves, how we design our campaigns, and how we conduct our trainings for action.

Why? Because gender, our societies' definitions of male and female roles, of masculinity and femininity, influences all of us. And the social traditions that have constructed masculinity as dominant, aggressive, and controlling and femininity as weak, submissive, and serving have deeply affected each of us. Gender awareness helps us to make sure that in our nonviolent actions and campaigns, we don't perpetuate the same injustices we are trying to stop.

In antimilitarist campaigns, gender awareness and gender-based analysis are also valuable tools for creating an effective strategy. Gender is an element in every conflict. It may not be the cause of a conflict, but different ideas of masculinity and femininity are at the heart of why and how people fight. Military systems are built to function on certain ideas and assumptions about male and female roles. If we want to create nonviolent structures and systems for resolving conflict, we will need to create new assumptions and expectations about gender.

In this section, we include concepts and exercises to help you to incorporate gender awareness in your trainings and to examine your campaigns and nonviolent actions through a gender lens.

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