Nonviolence Handbook

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By Majken Sorensen

We usually use nonviolent action about serious problems. Thinking about an action in humorous terms may therefore seem to be a strange way to deal with the issue, and not your first choice. However, humour and seriousness may be much more closely related than at first they appear. Almost all good humour thrives on contradictions and absurdity, and nonviolent action often tries to point out the contradiction between the world as it is, and the world as we want it to be. Humour is powerful because it is turning the world as we know it upside down and escapes the logic and reasoning that is an inevitable part of the rest of our lives.

How to start?

If humour doesn’t come to you easily, don’t despair, it can be learned. Watch your opponent: If there is a contradiction between what he says, and what he does, might this be the basis for a good joke? The closer you stick to the truth about what your opponent is saying and doing, the better the humour will work. Almost all dictators will say that what they are doing is "for the good of the people”. That kind of statement might be contradicted by their actions.

Using humour wisely

Don’t overdo it – humour should be used with moderation and works best if it is complemented with a serious message. Choose the object of your humour carefully!

If you are making a political action, you want a political message, and you want to stick to the point. How people look, their way of speaking or sexual habits are not good subjects. Making jokes about such things may be fun within your own group, but are usually not the way to reach out to other people and take attention away from the political point you want to make. At the end of this section, you can read two examples of actions that stick to the politcal points and don’t get sidetracked.

Why use humour?

Using humour in your actions can be useful in a number of ways. First, it should be fun for those of you who participate in the action. Humour has a potential to prevent and counter activist burnout, although it is not a magic solution.

Using humour is also a way to increase the chance of getting attention from media, potential supporters and bystanders. Journalists who know that they will get good images and a lively story from your group are more likely to show up when you announce that something is going to happen.

If you are part of a small movement that wants to expand, humour will be a way of showing potential members that although you work on a serious issue, you are still capable of enjoying life.

The power of humour

Humour is a powerful way to relate to your opponent, as the 'absurdity' of your actions will change both the relationship and the logic of rational argumentation. Good humorous actions are difficult to respond to for both the police and the opponent himself. It can give you a perfect opportunity for creating a “dilemma action”, which means that no matter what your opponent does, he has lost and is likely to appear weaker in the eyes of both bystanders and the people on “his” side. But be prepared for harsh reactions if you humiliate anybody. When you make it difficult for your opponent to find an “appropriate” reaction (adequate from his point of view), frustration might cause a violent reaction.

Examples of humorous actions

Two examples can illustrate some of the points above. We don’t recommend that you copy them directly, as your context is likely to be very different. But they can show how powerful humour can be:

In Norway in 1983, a small group of total objectors organised in the group “Campaign against Conscription”, (KMV in Norwegian) were refusing both military and alternative service. They wanted to create public debate and change the law that gave them 16 months in prison. The state refused to call it “prison” and instead labelled it “serve their service in an institution under the administration of the prison authorities”. To avoid having political prisoners, there were officially no trials, no prisoners, and no punishment. The cases of the total objectors went through the courts only to identify the objector, and the result was always the same, 16 months in prison. Sometimes the prosecutor never showed up because the result was clear anyway, so KMV exploited this in one of their actions:

One of the activists dressed up as the prosecutor and overplayed his role and demanded that the total objector get even longer in prison because of his profession (he was a lawyer). During the procedure in the court, nobody noticed anything wrong in spite of the “prosecutor’s” exaggerations, and one week later KMV sent their secret video recording of the case to the media and the result was that most of the Norwegian public was laughing.

This example clearly illustrates the power of turning things upside down. A friend of the accused playing the prosecutor, and demanding a stronger punishment than what the law can give, is a parody of the court. In this action, KMV activists satirised the absurdity of having a court case when there is nothing to discuss, and succeeded in getting attention from both media and “ordinary people”. In addition to turning the roles upside down, the parody of the court also exposed the contradiction between what the Norwegian state said and what it did. If the politicians call Norway a democracy, and claim that it doesn’t have any political prisoners, why are people sent to prison for their beliefs? And how come that the imprisonment is not even called a prison sentence, but an administrative term for serving their alternative service? This is an absurd situation, and through dramatising it in a humorous frame, KMV could cut through all rational explanations and make people understand that this did not make sense.

However, this case can also serve to make the important point, that the activist using humour should be aware of the context it is used in. If you want to avoid long prison terms, imitating this kind of action cannot be recommended.

In the other example, we move from democratic Norway, to dictatorial Serbia in the year 2000 before the fall of Slobodan Milošević. To support agriculture, Milošević was placing boxes in shops and public places asking people to donate one dinar (Serbian currency) for sowing and planting crops. As a response, the youth movement Otpor arranged its own collection called “Dinar za Smenu”. Smenu in Serbian is a word with many meanings; it can mean change, resignation, dismissal, pension and purge. This action was repeated several times in different places in Serbia, and consisted of a big barrel with a photo of Milošević. People could donate one dinar, and would then get a stick they could use to hit the barrel. On one occasion, a sign suggested that if people did not have any money because of Milošević’s politics, they should bang the barrel twice. When the police removed the barrel, Otpor said in a press release that the police had arrested the barrel, and that the action was a huge success. They claimed they had collected enough money for Milošević’s retirement, and that the police would give the money to Milošević.

This is an example of a dilemma action, because Otpor is leaving both Milošević and the police with no space for reaction. If the police do not take away the barrel, they lose face, and when they do something, Otpor continues the joke by calling it arrest of a barrel and saying the police will give Milošević the money for his retirement. No matter what the regime does, it has lost.

You can find Majken's dissertation on humour and nonviolence at:

the website of the Centre for Peace and Reconciliation Studies, Coventry University

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By Roberta Bacic with thanks to Clem McCartney

Introduction

People protest for many reasons but often it is because we are confronted with a situation to which we must respond and take a stand. The reality we face - be that our own or that of others - pushes us to act/react/challenge/change what we are experiencing and seeing. We forget to take into serious consideration the possible consequences of any such choice. Positive consequences are often empowering. Negative consequences can be disempowering. We need to think about them in advance to be prepared for the next steps but also so we are not surprised by them and suffer even more stress.

Consequences of taking a stand

In taking a stand, we may be putting ourselves into situations that will push us to our limits and put ourselves at risk. If this happens, negative experiences will be almost inevitable and fear will most likely surface as a response. In situations of insecurity and anguish, those feelings will merge: fear of being arrested, fear of being denounced, fear of being tortured, fear of being caught in an illegal meeting, fear of being betrayed, fear of again not achieving our goal, etc. Fear of the unknown (what happens if I am arrested?) and also of the known, be that a specific threat by phone or being aware of what has happened to others. We need to know what can be done to avoid those consequences or cope with them when they arise.

Three main elements can help us to function: confidence and solidarity with our fellow protesters, good training and emotional preparation and debriefing. (resource list at end? More Description needed?) For more on go to http://wri-irg.org/nonviolence/nvse07-en.htm

Some of the consequences we need to be prepared for.

1. Dealing with fear consequences

When we think of traumatic consequences we immediately think of the physical consequences. Being manhandled, arrested or beaten and our human rights violated. This is a greater risk in some societies than others, and people protesting in very militaristic and authoritarian states are particularly courageous. But all of us will normally feel at least some anxiety and fear and at least be aware of the risk of physical pain or discomfort. These fears may immobilise us. But it is not good to ignore them. If we are not prepared our natural reactions in the situation may actually lead to greater hurt. For example we may have an urge to run, but if we start running we lose our discipline and those opposing us may be tempted to attack at that moment. Being prepared, rationally, emotionally and practically, is therefore important and training in fear control is very helpful. The physical risk is well understood but other risks are not less real and receive more attention here. See Consequences of fear Exercise.

You can also look at a specific example on http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/node/232.

2. The strength of coming out in public

We need to be aware that we are choosing to stand outside conventional opinion. It is not so difficult to share our feelings in private with those who share our views, although we may worry about being betrayed. Coming out in public is more difficult. We are taking a stand not only against the state but also against common social attitudes. The very reason that we need to protest is to challenge those conventions, but knowing that does not make it easy. We are exposing ourselves. We think of Women in Black in Israel who simply stood there as a silent witness to what they could not accept in their society. Now that form of witness has been used in Serbia, Colombia and elsewhere. Solidarity with our colleagues is very important in such situations, and to create space to air our feelings and deal with them. Even those who appear confident may have worries that they need to acknowledge and deal with. Use a Hassle line exercise to practice expressing our position.

3. Preparing ourselves to deal with distress

There are other risks and other consequences that are subtler but for that very reason can be more distressing. We may face disrespect and humiliation, be mocked and goaded by bystanders or the state forces. Again Women in Black come to mind, spat at and abused by a hostile public, yet remaining silent and not reacting. This can be emotionally distressing. Role playing the situation in advance at a training or meeting of the participants helps us to prepare ourselves emotionally and to understand more fully the motivations (and fear) of our opponents. Solidarity and confidence in our fellow protesters is again important and that is partly built up by such rehearsals. Less emotionally distressing, because it is less immediate, is bad publicity. The press, who may libel us with all kinds of inaccuracies, may challenge our good faith and motivations. Preparing ourselves for such humiliation makes it easier to cope with it when it comes.

4. Putting yourself in the position of the other

We may even seek out humiliation as part of the statement we are trying to make, as when protesters try to put themselves into the situation of people they are defending. Many groups have done street theatre playing the parts of prisoners and guards at Guantanamo Bay. Here unanticipated feelings rise to the surface, which participants sometimes find difficult to control. The “prisoners” may in fact begin to feel violated while the “guards” find themselves entering into the experience too enthusiastically or on the contrary feel a sense of revulsion. Either way the participants may feel defiled and polluted. To deal with such possibilities they need to be prepared for such reactions in themselves and be debriefed sensitively afterwards. Another example was the protests over factory farming when volunteers used their own bodies to model slabs of meat. The reaction may be to feel really enthusiastic and liberated by taking a stand or alternatively troubled at the situation they have put themselves into.

5. Dealing with disillusionment

Sometimes we have few problems before and during the protest but it is a real blow if we seem to have had no impact. The huge protests against the war in Iraq on the 15 February 2003 did not stop the war. Our worst fears were realised. Not surprisingly, many people were disillusioned and disempowered. Naturally they asked “Was it worth doing it?” They may not want to take part in any other actions on this or other issues, feeling it worthless. What can be done to address this disillusionment? We need opportunities to reflect together on what has happened and what we can learn from the experience. See Evaluation section. We need to adjust our expectations. Protests are important to show our strength, but they alone will not stop a war.

6. Dealing with success in our actions

As well as worrying that a situation may turn out worse than we anticipated, paradoxically we might also find it hard to cope with what might on the surface seem positive - for instance, if the security forces act more humanely than we anticipated or the authorities engage with us and seem willing to consider our demands. This can have an unsettling effect if we have steeled ourselves for confrontation. What happens to all the adrenaline which has been built up in our bodies? What do these developments do to our analysis? Are we wrong in our analysis of the situation? Should we trust the system more? Or are we being duped by sweet words? Our movement may achieve more solidarity when we are faced with harsh opposition and may fracture when that does not materialise. Therefore we need to be ready to know what responses might be most effective and test out through Role playing what is possible and when it happens we need to be able to collectively assess the situation and act appropriately.

7.When the levels of aggression rises up

Many of us have been shocked at the aggression which arises during a nonviolent protest and not only from those opposed to the protest. We may find a wave of aggression rising up in ourselves when we are manhandled by authorities and even if we do not react that feeling can make us very uncomfortable and doubtful. Or other protesters may start to riot and we have to be able to find an appropriate response. Do we join in, leave or hold our ground continuing the protest nonviolently as planned? There is little time to think in such situations, so such possibilities need to have been thought through in advance and we need to have our alternatives clear so that quiet decisions can be made. Use Decision making, Role playing and De-escalation exercises.

Different contexts

We might be protesting in the North in states and cultures, which claim to be liberal, democratic. We might be in an authoritarian regime. But we should not assume that protest is easier in liberal democracies. Some such states can be very harsh in their treatment of protest. There are other factors that determine what is the potential of protest and its limits. The society may be closed or open. In a closed society the risks are greater because dissidents can disappear and there is little possibility of any accountability. It may have a functioning judicial system, independent of the government, which can act as a check on human rights abuses. The culture of the society is also a significant factor as it may value conformity and respect for authority. Or the society may feel weak and vulnerable to the pressures of modernity or of the influence of other states and therefore any form of protest is seen as disloyal and destructive.

While protest is more difficult in some situations than others, all the issues I have discussed here may arise in any context, albeit with varying intensity.

Conclusions

If we prepare for the mixture of emotions and reactions which may result from our protest, build solidarity with our colleagues and analyse and debrief ourselves on the consequences of our actions, then we are better placed to continue the struggle for a better society, even though we may know that that will not be achieved in our lifetime, if at all.

However if we do not prepare well and deal well with the consequences, then we may end up not helping anyone, not even ourselves. We may get discouraged and decide to give up or take up other types of strategies that may be counterproductive, such as mainstream politics and the use of force. Or we may get into a pattern of just protesting for its own sake, without any strategic sense. As such, we may appear superficially to be still engaged in the struggle and others may admire our persistence, but we have lost a purpose for all the energy we expend and our ineffectiveness and purposefulness may discourage others to engage. If - as I believe - we have a duty to protest, then we also have a duty to prepare ourselves well: to identify the risks to our physical and emotional well being, and take steps to ensure that we can overcome these risks and continue the struggle in a positive and effective manner, keeping true to our ideals. Last, but not least, let’s keep trying, have some fun while we do it and by that give peace a chance. We are not the first ones in doing it, nor will be the last ones. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I-NRriHlLUk

A series of events on nonviolence is running throughout January in Sevilla, state of Spain. The event this evening will launch the 'Manual para Campañas Noviolentas' – the Spanish edition of the Handbook for Nonviolent Campaigns. On Saturday, attend the Workshop Design of Nonviolent Campaigns, led by former WRI staff member Andreas Speck. Register here.

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The second edition of the Handbook for Nonviolent for Campaigns was first released in English in 2014, at WRI's International Conference in Cape Town. The book has now been translated into Spanish via the support of a crowdfunding campaign, and is available from the WRI webshop here: http://www.wri-irg.org/node/24916

Two books for the price of one! 2nd October is 'International day of Nonviolence', so until the 9th October, if you buy a copy of the 2nd edition of the Handbook for Nonviolent Campaigns, we'll include a copy of the first edition to pass on to a friend! Both editions are available in English and Spanish.

In 2009, War Resisters' International released the 'Handbook for Nonviolent Campaigns'; a toolbox of ideas and resources to support activists to run more effective campaigns. The full first edition is available online here: www.wri-irg.org/pubs/NonviolenceHandbook. The original was translated into over ten languages, including Spanish, German, Tigrinya (spoken in Eritrea), Nepalese, Turkish, and Arabic, and has been used by activists all over the world.

WRI is fundraising for the translation into Spanish of the new edition of the Handbook for Nonviolent Campaigns.

Crowdfunding link https://goteo.org/project/campanas-noviolentas/?lang=en.

In 2009, War Resisters' International released the 'Handbook for Nonviolent Campaigns'; a toolbox of ideas and resources to support activists to run more effective campaigns. The full first edition is available online here: www.wri-irg.org/pubs/NonviolenceHandbook. The original was translated into over ten languages, including Spanish, German, Tigrinya (spoken in Eritrea), Nepalese, Turkish, and Arabic, and has been used by activists all over the world - for example, the Spanish version of the handbook was used widely by the 15-M movement in Spain.

Dieter Lünse

The biggest base for nonviolent action lies in our social community. The community is formed in villages or districts. The relationships between the people are built up of a personal level, a group level and structures that are made of a state level or other conditions like cultural agreements or habits.

The first edition of WRI's Handbook for Nonviolent Campaigns (published in 2009) continues to be translated into more languages. Indonesian was the first translation, coming soon after the English version was published. Since that first translation, the book has been translated into 11 languages. The Slovak version was the latest to be completed - just last month. This month we have also made the handbook available online in Ukrainian. Work is under way to translate the second edition of the Handbook. Please get in touch with us if you would like to translate it.

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Planning and facilitating nonviolence training requires a range of tasks that a number of people should share.

First, campaign organisers need to be aware of when and what training is needed. Does the group need training in strategic campaign development or gender sensitivity? Is training needed to prepare a new group of people to participate in nonviolent actions or for an experienced group to achieve new skills? Do affinity groups need training in group process?

Once a decision is made to have a training, trainers are needed. As stated in 'Nonviolence Training', if trainers are not available, create a team of co-facilitators to do the training. This section has check-lists to help organise, plan, and facilitate trainings.

Organisers and trainers need to talk together before working on their own tasks. A lack of clarity and assumptions made by trainers or organisers can result in an ineffective training. A training can be an important opportunity to test plans, to find weaknesses in the group, or to bring more people into the process. A trainer must be open to those goals.

If the trainers are part of the group, they need to be clear about their role as trainers. While they understand the context, the group, the campaign, the action scenario, etc. better than an outside facilitator, trainers deeply involved in the work can have difficulty stepping into a different role; clarifying roles should help in that process.

The 'Nonviolent Campaigns' and 'Organising for Effective Nonviolent Actions' sections include information that can help trainers and organisers understand what they need to do and what they may need to train for.

WRI has released the new edition of the Handbook for Nonviolent Campaigns.

The new handbook is available from the WRI webshop, here:

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At the 'Small Actions, Big Movements' conference in South Africa, War Resisters' International released the new edition of the 'Handbook for Nonviolent Campaigns'. At a launch event, different contributors read from the handbook, described the inspiration behind creating a new edition, and explained their various contributions.

The handbook aims to show how a group can achieve their goals by developing a strategy (a plan as to how they will exert the necessary pressure to make change), before exploring what strategy looks like in reality. The handbook was written by over 30 people from countries all over the world, and aims to reflect and empower nonviolent activists internationally.

WRI are preparing to release a new edition of the Handbook for Nonviolent Campaigns, and running a crowdfunding campaign to raise money to get it finished - https://www.indiegogo.com/projects/war-resisters-international-handbook-for-nonviolent-campaigns/x/6667143